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What Practice Actually Changes on a Cognitive Ability Test

Sitting the same test twice usually produces a higher second score. Almost none of that gain is ability — which is why employers use alternate forms, and why the second number is a worse estimate than the first.

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What you need to know

  • Retest gains are real and well documented. Pooled across employment studies, a second sitting averages around a quarter of a standard deviation higher — larger when the identical form is reused, smaller with an alternate form.
  • The gain is concentrated in familiarity: knowing the instructions, the item formats and the pacing. It is largest on the first retest and shrinks with every one after that.
  • On IQ-type batteries, retest gains are consistently bigger on nonverbal and speeded subtests than on vocabulary and general knowledge.
  • A score inflated by repeated exposure to one form is a worse estimate of ability, not a better one. That is why alternate forms and waiting periods exist.

Employers who use cognitive ability tests are measuring something that is supposed to be fairly stable. Candidates preparing for those tests are trying to raise a number. Both can be right at the same time, because the number and the thing are not the same object — and practice moves one of them a great deal more than the other.

The size of the effect

The best evidence on retesting in real selection settings comes from a meta-analysis by John Hausknecht and colleagues, published in the Journal of Applied Psychology in 2007. Pooling studies in which candidates sat a cognitive test more than once, they found an average gain on the second sitting of roughly a quarter of a standard deviation. On a scale where the standard deviation is 15 points, a quarter of a standard deviation is about four points.

Two things moderate it consistently. Reusing the identical form produces a larger jump than moving to an alternate form built to the same specification — which is the signature of familiarity rather than improvement. And the gain is front-loaded: the step from a first sitting to a second is the big one, and each further attempt adds less.

The same shape appears on clinical IQ batteries. Test manuals publish retest data, and the gains are reliably larger on the nonverbal, speeded and puzzle-like subtests than on vocabulary, general knowledge and other stored-knowledge measures. That asymmetry is itself a clue about mechanism: what improves is whatever benefits from having seen the format before.

What practice is actually changing

  • Instructions. Reading and understanding what a section wants costs time on a first encounter and nothing on a second. On a strictly timed test that is pure recovered minutes.
  • Item formats. Matrices, number series, verbal analogies and syllogisms each have a way of being read. Recognising the type is faster than deducing it.
  • Pacing. On a speeded test — fifty items in twelve minutes is a common shape — the decisive skill is knowing roughly how long you can afford per item, and being willing to abandon one and come back.
  • Novelty and test anxiety. A familiar situation is a less arousing one, and for anyone who was anxious the first time, that alone recovers items.
  • Occasionally, actual items. Where an identical form is reused after a short interval, some of the gain is straightforward recall.

What is not on that list is reasoning ability. Nothing in the retest literature suggests that sitting a test repeatedly improves the general capacity the test was built to estimate.

A score raised by familiarity with one form is a less accurate estimate than the score it replaced, not a more accurate one.

Why that makes the second score worse

A test works by comparing your performance against a reference sample who sat it under standard conditions: one sitting, no prior exposure. Arrive having already seen the format and you are no longer in the situation those norms describe. The score goes up, and its meaning as a percentile against that sample goes down.

This is why serious selection processes use alternate forms, impose waiting periods between attempts, and sometimes disregard a repeat score entirely. It is not suspicion of the candidate. It is the same logic that makes a supervised administration count and an unsupervised one not.

Commercial coaching sits in the same place. Meta-analyses of coaching for aptitude and admissions tests have generally found small average gains, and the gains are largest where the coaching most closely mirrors the specific test. That is a description of familiarity again — genuinely useful, worth a modest amount, and much smaller than the advertising for it.

What is worth doing before an employer's test

  • Do one full-length, strictly timed practice run under real conditions. Nearly all of the available gain sits here, and it is available honestly.
  • Learn the instructions and the section structure in advance, so you are not reading them on the clock.
  • Spend a short time on the specific item types the test uses — most vendors publish which ones. Recognising a number series as a number series is the whole benefit.
  • Rehearse abandoning an item. On a speeded test the most expensive habit is refusing to move on.
  • Sleep normally the night before. A short night reliably costs items on exactly the speeded and working-memory sections these tests are made of.
  • Then stop. The curve flattens quickly, and time past the first couple of sessions buys very little.
Your own number

Where would your own score land?

If the reason for practising is to remove the novelty rather than to game a number, one honest full-length run under timed conditions does most of the work. Sitting a properly built assessment once, under real conditions, tells you where you actually stand — and the result is worth reading as a percentile on a named scale with its confidence range, not as a single figure to be improved.

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And the number was never a point anyway

One more thing gets lost in the discussion of gains. Every score is an estimate carrying measurement error, and test manuals publish a standard error of measurement describing how far a result is expected to move between sittings for reasons that have nothing to do with learning. On a Wechsler-type scale, a responsibly reported result is a band several points wide rather than a point.

So a candidate who scores 104 and then 108 has not necessarily gained anything at all. That difference sits comfortably inside the range two sittings would produce under identical conditions. The retest literature describes an average shift across many people; it does not guarantee that any individual's second number will be higher. Some are lower.

For what a score of this kind actually predicts once you have one, our note on workplace cognitive ability testing covers the validity evidence and the 2022 reanalysis that pulled the headline figures down.

Common questions

Can you improve your score on a cognitive ability test by practising?

You can raise the score, modestly. Pooled employment research puts the average second-sitting gain at around a quarter of a standard deviation — roughly four points on a 15-point scale — and most of it comes from familiarity with the format, the instructions and the pacing rather than from improved reasoning.

Does taking a test twice make the second score more accurate?

No — usually less. The norms describe people sitting the test without prior exposure. Once you have seen the format, your performance no longer maps onto that reference sample in the same way, so the second score is a poorer estimate of your standing even though it is a higher number.

How long should you wait before retaking an aptitude test?

Longer intervals produce smaller practice gains, and many employers set their own waiting period, often several months to a year. Check the specific policy first — attempting a retest inside it usually means the score is not used at all.

Which parts of a test improve most with practice?

Nonverbal, speeded and puzzle-type sections — matrices, number series, symbol tasks. Vocabulary and general-knowledge sections improve least, because there is no format trick to learn and no shortcut to knowing a word.

Sources for this story

  1. Hausknecht and colleagues, meta-analysis of retesting in personnel selection (2007) — Journal of Applied Psychology
  2. Kulik, Kulik and Bangert, effects of practice on aptitude and achievement test scores (1984) — American Educational Research Journal
  3. Technical and interpretive manuals for the Wechsler intelligence scales, covering test-retest stability and the standard error of measurement — Pearson
  4. Principles for the Validation and Use of Personnel Selection Procedures — Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology
  5. Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing, on standardised administration and retesting — American Educational Research Association, American Psychological Association and National Council on Measurement in Education

Corrections: spotted an error? Email corrections@iqmetrics.org and we will update this story and note the change here.

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