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Average IQ by Education Level: The Arrow Points Both Ways

Tables ranking average IQ by degree level circulate constantly and are read as though schooling simply sorts people. Pooled longitudinal evidence puts the correlation at about 0.56, and a meta-analysis of more than 600,000 people found that education also raises scores.

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What you need to know

  • A 2007 meta-analysis of longitudinal research in Intelligence pooled 59 studies covering 84,828 people and put the correlation between intelligence and educational attainment at about 0.56 – the strongest of the socioeconomic outcomes it examined.
  • A correlation of 0.56 corresponds to roughly 31 per cent of shared variation, so the distributions of IQ scores at different education levels overlap heavily. Any table of averages conceals ranges wide enough to make individual prediction unreliable.
  • A 2018 meta-analysis in Psychological Science drawing on 142 effect sizes from 42 datasets and more than 600,000 participants found that an additional year of education is associated with a gain of roughly 1 to 5 IQ points, an effect that persisted across the lifespan.
  • Both findings are true at once, which is why the table cannot be read in one direction. Higher-scoring people go on to more education, and more education raises measured scores, and a single column of averages cannot separate the two.

Search for average IQ by education level and you will find the same table reproduced everywhere: a tidy column of degree levels, a tidy column of scores rising beside it, and an unstated conclusion that schooling reveals what people already were. The correlation the table depicts is real and it is one of the strongest in the field. What the table cannot do is tell you which way the arrow points, and the published evidence says it points both ways at once.

How strong the relationship actually is

The most-cited synthesis of this question is Tarmo Strenze's 2007 meta-analysis in Intelligence, which restricted itself to longitudinal studies — ones that measured intelligence first and socioeconomic outcomes later, so that the timing is at least unambiguous. Pooling 59 studies covering 84,828 people, it put the correlation between intelligence and eventual educational attainment at about 0.56. That was the strongest of the three outcomes examined, ahead of occupational level and well ahead of income.

A correlation of 0.56 is substantial by the standards of social science, and it deserves to be reported as such. It is also nothing like determinism. Squaring it gives about 0.31, conventionally read as the two measures sharing roughly thirty-one per cent of their variation — which leaves close to seventy per cent unaccounted for. In practical terms the score distributions at each education level overlap across most of their width. There are people with doctorates whose measured scores sit below the average for people who left school early, and the reverse, in numbers large enough that the table is useless for judging any individual.

  • The averages in these tables are real but the ranges around them are rarely printed, and the ranges are what determine whether a number can be applied to a person.
  • The same 0.56 that makes the column look orderly also guarantees a very large minority of people sit far from the average for their row.
  • Strenze found parental socioeconomic status and school grades were also strong predictors of educational attainment, so intelligence is not competing against nothing.
  • Selection into education is not a single process. Cost, geography, family expectation and health all sort people into schooling, and none of them are measured by an IQ test.

A column of averages is a photograph of two processes running at once. Nothing in the photograph tells you which of them produced it.

Education does not only sort. It also raises scores.

The reading that treats the table as pure selection collapsed with a 2018 meta-analysis by Stuart Ritchie and Elliot Tucker-Drob, published in Psychological Science. They gathered 142 effect sizes from 42 datasets covering more than 600,000 participants, and concentrated on the study designs that can support a causal claim rather than a correlational one: policy changes that extended compulsory schooling for some birth cohorts and not others, comparisons exploiting school-entry age cut-offs, and controlled studies following the same people over time.

The pooled estimate was that an additional year of education is associated with a gain in the region of 1 to 5 IQ points. The effects appeared across the broad ability domains studied rather than being confined to obviously taught knowledge, they showed up at every stage of education examined, and — the finding that surprised most readers — they did not appear to fade with age, remaining detectable in older adults decades later. The authors described education as the most consistent and durable method yet identified for raising intelligence test scores.

Read that claim precisely, because it is easy to over-extend. It says that schooling durably raises performance on intelligence tests. Whether it raises the underlying general ability those tests estimate, or improves the specific skills the tests sample, is a live question the meta-analysis explicitly could not settle. The distinction matters, and it is the same one at issue in our piece on what the g factor is and is not.

Why the table still gets misread

Put the two findings side by side and the ranking loses its meaning as a statement about people. Higher-scoring adolescents do go on to more education. More education does raise measured scores. A cross-sectional table showing graduates averaging higher than non-graduates is fully consistent with either mechanism, with both, or with a third factor driving both — and it contains no information capable of distinguishing them. This is the same structural problem we described in what country IQ rankings cannot support: a table of group averages invites a causal reading it was never able to license.

  • The averages are often assembled from different tests on different scales, and a score is uninterpretable without the mean and standard deviation it was measured on.
  • Samples differ by cohort. Norms expire, and comparing a score normed in one decade with one normed in another introduces a drift discussed in our piece on why IQ norms have a shelf life.
  • Educational categories are not comparable across countries, so pooled international tables are frequently comparing labels rather than experiences.
  • Rows with few people in them produce unstable averages that get quoted with the same confidence as rows with thousands.

What to take from it

The defensible summary is short. Intelligence measured in youth predicts how much education a person goes on to complete, at a strength of around 0.56 in pooled longitudinal data. Education in turn raises measured intelligence, by something in the region of 1 to 5 points a year. Neither figure supports reading a person's score from their qualifications, or their qualifications from their score, because the overlap between groups is far too wide for that.

If you want to know where your own reasoning sits, the qualification is the wrong proxy and the score is the right one — read as a percentile, which states the share of people who scored lower, and read with the confidence band our explainer on the margin of error describes. Our IQ percentile calculator converts a score into that position, and the useful thing about it is that it makes the overlap visible: the percentile ranges for adjacent education levels sit almost on top of each other. If you do not have a score to convert, you can take the assessment first. For the related question of what a score predicts about earnings rather than schooling, our piece on whether IQ predicts income works through a noticeably weaker relationship.

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There is a broader reason these tables persist. A single ordered column feels like an explanation, and the alternative — two processes of comparable size running in opposite directions through a population with enormous internal variation — does not compress into a graphic. That is not a flaw in the evidence. It is the shape of the evidence, and any presentation that looks simpler than that has removed something in order to look that way.

Common questions

What is the average IQ by education level?

Published tables do show average scores rising with education level, but they are far less informative than they look. The pooled longitudinal correlation between intelligence and educational attainment is about 0.56, which corresponds to roughly 31 per cent shared variation and leaves the score distributions at different education levels overlapping across most of their range. The averages are real; they cannot be used to judge an individual.

Does more education raise your IQ?

The evidence says yes, modestly and durably. A 2018 meta-analysis in Psychological Science covering 142 effect sizes from 42 datasets and more than 600,000 participants found that an additional year of education is associated with a gain of roughly 1 to 5 IQ points, appearing across broad ability domains and persisting into later life. What remains unsettled is whether that reflects a change in underlying general ability or improvement on the specific skills the tests sample.

How strong is the link between IQ and educational attainment?

Strenze's 2007 meta-analysis in Intelligence, pooling 59 longitudinal studies covering 84,828 people, reported a correlation of about 0.56 between intelligence and educational level. That was stronger than the same analysis found for occupational level or income, but it still leaves close to seventy per cent of the variation in educational attainment associated with other things.

Can you estimate someone's IQ from their degree?

No, and the correlation is exactly why not. At a relationship of about 0.56 the distributions at each education level overlap heavily, so a large share of people at any given level score far from the average for their level. A measured percentile from a normed assessment is the only defensible answer to the question, and it should be read with its confidence range attached.

Sources for this story

  1. Strenze, "Intelligence and socioeconomic success: A meta-analytic review of longitudinal research" (2007), Intelligence 35, 401-426 — Intelligence
  2. Ritchie and Tucker-Drob, "How Much Does Education Improve Intelligence? A Meta-Analysis" (2018) — Psychological Science
  3. News release on the education and intelligence meta-analysis, "One year of school comes with an IQ bump" (2018) — Association for Psychological Science
  4. Deary and Johnson, "Intelligence and education: causal perceptions drive analytic processes and therefore conclusions" (2010), IJE 39(5), 1362-1369 — International Journal of Epidemiology

Corrections: spotted an error? Email corrections@iqmetrics.org and we will update this story and note the change here.

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Filed under#standardized exams#study quality#percentiles and norms#scores and scales

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