IQ Metrics
IIF Certified Assessment Start IQ Test
IIF Certified Assessment

Do Video Games Raise Your IQ?

Mind & Everyday Life

Do Video Games Raise Your IQ? Near Transfer vs Far Transfer

Action video games produce real, replicated gains in spatial ability and attention, some of the best near-transfer evidence in this batch. Push the test further away, toward the general reasoning an IQ test measures, and the effect all but disappears once the research is pooled properly.

Horizontal bar chart of video game training effects by skill, showing a moderate improvement in spatial ability, a small improvement in executive function, and almost no measurable change in general intelligence test scores

For a narrow set of specific skills, yes: well-controlled studies find real improvements after training on action video games. For general intelligence — the broad reasoning ability an IQ test is built to capture — the answer from the same body of research is close to no. The gap between those two findings is the whole story, and it is a cleaner version of the same near-transfer, far-transfer pattern that shows up with chess.

That comparison is worth making explicit, because chess and video games have been studied with a similar structure and hit a similar wall: real, replicated gains on the trained task and its closest neighbours, and gains that shrink toward nothing the further the test sits from what was actually practiced. The two questions even share a villain: early studies with no proper comparison group, which is exactly the design flaw that inflated the first wave of both literatures before better-controlled follow-ups brought the estimates back down.

What gets sharper

The clearest, most replicated finding in this literature concerns a fairly narrow skill: mental rotation and other tests of spatial ability, where meta-analyses combining dozens of training studies find a moderately strong improvement after action-game practice. Related measures of visual attention — how much of a busy screen someone can track at once, how quickly they find a target among distractors — move in the same direction, though usually by less.

Executive-function tasks, which cover things like switching between rules or holding several items in mind while working with them, show a real but small average improvement across studies. It is a genuine effect, not noise, but it is a fraction of the size of the spatial-ability finding, and it varies a lot from one study to the next.

Not all video games are the same

Almost all of the research behind the spatial-ability and attention findings comes from one specific genre: fast-paced action games, usually shooters, that demand tracking multiple moving targets under time pressure. That is a deliberate choice by researchers, not an accident — the genre plausibly exercises visual attention and spatial tracking more directly than most other kinds of game — but it also means the finding does not automatically generalize to gaming as a whole.

Puzzle games, city-builders and slower strategy titles have been studied far less, and what research does exist finds effects, when present at all, on narrower skills that match whatever the specific game demands rather than on spatial ability broadly. The honest version of this article’s headline claim is narrower than “video games raise your IQ” or even “video games sharpen your mind”: it is closer to “a specific, well-studied genre reliably sharpens a specific, narrow set of visual and attention skills.”

What does not move

None of the genre caveat changes the picture for the specific genre that has actually been tested. Push the test further from the game itself, toward the kind of abstract pattern-matching an IQ test actually uses, and the effect all but disappears. A comprehensive pooling of the video-game training literature put the average improvement in measured intelligence at essentially zero once study quality was accounted for — smaller than the executive-function effect, and not reliably different from no effect at all.

  • Spatial ability. A real, moderately sized improvement — the strongest finding in the field.
  • Executive function. A real but small improvement, well short of spatial ability.
  • General intelligence. No reliable improvement once the studies are pooled properly.
Horizontal bar chart of video game training effects by skill, showing a moderate improvement in spatial ability, a small improvement in executive function, and almost no measurable change in general intelligence test scores
Horizontal bar chart of video game training effects by skill, showing a moderate improvement in spatial ability, a small improvement in executive function, and almost no measurable change in general intelligence test scores
Your own number

Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

Find your IQ score now!

Secure & encryptedInstant results10–20 minutes

Who these studies actually tested

It is a fair question, and worth asking directly. Most of this research compares people who already play action games heavily against people who do not, or takes non-gamers and puts them through several weeks of training in a lab. Both designs have a real limitation. The comparison studies cannot fully separate “gaming made these people sharper” from “people who were already sharper in this specific way found gaming more rewarding and stuck with it” — the same selection problem that comes up with chess players. The lab-training studies handle that better by assigning people randomly, but they mostly recruit young adults over a few weeks, which says little about children, older adults, or what happens after months or years rather than weeks.

Brain training apps are a different, weaker story

It is worth separating action video games, the subject of the research above, from commercial brain-training apps built specifically to raise IQ or memory scores. That literature has been reviewed on its own, and it fares worse than the action-game research: the trained tasks are usually closer to the test used to measure improvement, which inflates near-transfer scores without producing anything that looks like a durable change in general ability. A game built to be fun and only incidentally demanding on attention has, perversely, produced more convincing evidence than software built explicitly to train cognition.

This is not a fringe opinion inside the field. A group of cognitive scientists published an open letter warning that brain-training marketing was running well ahead of the evidence, and in the United States regulators fined at least one major brain-training company over advertising claims a court found were not adequately supported. None of that means the underlying tasks are useless as puzzles — it means the specific claim “this software will raise your IQ or stave off cognitive decline” has repeatedly outrun what the data backing it could support.

What sharper attention is actually worth

None of this makes the spatial and attention gains trivial. Faster, more accurate visual search and better mental rotation are useful in their own right — they plausibly touch some real-world tasks that lean on quick visual judgment — and they are large enough and reliable enough that a skeptical reader should not lump them in with the null result for general intelligence. What they are not is a stand-in for it. Processing speed is one of the specific abilities an IQ test does sample, and it is plausible some gaming-related gains touch it, but a faster reaction on a screen is a narrower thing than the reasoning an intelligence test is built to measure.

Some of the clearest demonstrations involve a measure called useful field of view: how much of a cluttered scene someone can take in and correctly identify in a single brief glance, without moving their eyes. Trained action-game players reliably outperform non-gamers on this measure, and non-gamers who are put through a training program show real gains within weeks. It is a genuinely useful skill outside a game, relevant to noticing a hazard at the edge of vision while driving, for instance — but it is a specific visual skill, not a general reasoning one, and it says little about how someone would perform on a matrix-reasoning IQ subtest that shows abstract shapes with no visual clutter to search through at all.

So should you game for a smarter brain

If the goal is a higher IQ score, action games are not a proven route to one, and the same is true of software marketed specifically as brain training. If the goal is a set of sharper, well-documented attention and spatial skills, the evidence for that is genuinely good. Those are different claims, and cognitive-training marketing has a long history of blurring them; this page on improving IQ covers what the wider evidence does and does not support, and reading is a useful contrast — a very different activity that moves a very different, more crystallized kind of ability instead.

The same test applies to anyone hoping a screen-based habit will double as brain training: ask what genre was actually studied, what the comparison group did, and whether the outcome measured was close to the game itself or genuinely far from it. A narrow, honest claim — “this sharpens visual attention” — has survived scrutiny here. The broader one has not.

Share this article

Know someone who keeps seeing these numbers quoted without the scale they were measured on? Send it to them.

Does Chess Raise Your IQ?

Mind & Everyday Life

Does Chess Raise Your IQ? What the Research Actually Shows

Chess is one of the oldest test cases for a big question: does practicing a demanding mental skill make you generally smarter, or just better at that skill? The honest summary from decades of research: real for chess itself, modest for a couple of related skills, and close to zero for general IQ.

Bar chart comparing chess training study results, showing a moderate effect on general cognitive ability in studies with no active control group, shrinking to near zero in the better-designed studies that used one

No, not in the way most people hope. Chess reliably makes you better at chess, and with enough structured instruction it appears to help a little with school subjects that lean on planning and working memory, particularly math. The evidence that it raises general intelligence — the kind an IQ test measures — is much weaker, and it gets weaker still in the studies built to rule out the obvious alternative explanations. That gap between the two claims is worth understanding rather than just accepting, because the same pattern — a confident headline about “raising IQ” resting on evidence that only ever supported a narrower, less exciting claim — shows up across most of the games, apps and hobbies marketed the same way.

That pattern — a real effect on the skill itself, a smaller and shakier one on anything further away — shows up again almost exactly with video games, which this article treats as a companion piece. Both are examples of the same question asked about a different activity: does deliberately practicing a demanding mental skill make you smarter overall, or just better at that skill?

What the raw numbers show

Pooling roughly forty studies of children given structured chess instruction, one widely cited analysis reported a moderate association with general cognitive-ability scores, and a similar or slightly larger one with math achievement specifically. Reading and literacy scores moved less. On the numbers alone, chess looks like a genuinely useful classroom activity.

Two details in the same body of research matter before taking that at face value. The size of the effect tracked how much chess the children actually did: benefits showed up reliably only once a class had logged somewhere around 25 to 30 hours of instruction, roughly a school year of one lesson a week. And the authors of the underlying review were explicit that no single study in it used what they considered an ideal design, so a placebo-like effect from novelty and extra adult attention could not be ruled out. That is not a small caveat in a literature this size: it means the best-supported number available is also, by the reviewers’ own account, an upper bound rather than a settled estimate.

Why the number shrinks when you look closer

That second caveat turned out to matter a great deal. Most of the early chess-and-cognition studies compared a chess class against doing nothing different at all, which leaves the comparison unable to separate three things that all point the same direction: chess itself, structured attention from an instructor, and simply doing something new and engaging instead of a normal lesson.

The same research group later re-ran the comparison using only studies where the control group did a different structured activity of their own, rather than nothing. Their own paper described the result in its title: negative evidence for far transfer. Once novelty and extra attention are matched on both sides, the boost to general cognitive ability mostly is not there. What survives is much closer to zero than the raw 0.34 figure above suggests.

Bar chart comparing chess training study results, showing a moderate effect on general cognitive ability in studies with no active control group, shrinking to near zero in the better-designed studies that used one
Bar chart comparing chess training study results, showing a moderate effect on general cognitive ability in studies with no active control group, shrinking to near zero in the better-designed studies that used one

Are strong players just smart people who chose chess

There is a second, separate question hiding inside the first one: are the best chess players in the world unusually high in IQ to begin with? Loosely, yes — competitive players as a group score above the general population average on cognitive tests, the way people who stick with any demanding hobby tend to skew toward whatever trait makes that hobby rewarding. But among players who already compete seriously, differences in tournament rating track hours of deliberate, structured study far more closely than they track differences in general intelligence scores. Two players with similar ratings can differ substantially in IQ, and two players with similar IQs can differ by hundreds of rating points depending on how they trained.

That is worth remembering the next time a very strong player’s IQ gets quoted as though it explained their rating. Magnus Carlsen and Garry Kasparov are both, by any measure, exceptionally strong players; neither’s rating is well explained by IQ alone, and both logged the kind of practice hours this research keeps landing on as the real driver.

Your own number

Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

Find your IQ score now!

Secure & encryptedInstant results10–20 minutes

Chess, bridge and dementia risk in later life

A related and often-repeated claim is that chess and similar games protect older adults against cognitive decline and dementia. The observational evidence pointing that way is real: large studies following older adults over years have found that people who regularly play chess, cards or similar strategy games show a lower rate of later dementia diagnosis than people who do not.

The catch is a familiar one in this kind of research. Dementia has a long preclinical phase, often many years, during which subtle cognitive changes can make demanding hobbies less appealing well before any diagnosis is made. People already, invisibly, on the path to decline may simply stop playing chess first, which would produce exactly this pattern even if chess itself did nothing protective at all. Randomized trials, which could rule that out, are far smaller and shorter than the observational studies, and the question has not been settled either way.

What chess is actually good evidence for

Set the far-transfer question aside and the chess research is genuinely informative about something else: what deliberate practice does to the skill it targets, and how narrowly that tends to stay put. One of the more careful studies in this literature found chess instruction improved children’s meta-cognitive habits inside math problem-solving specifically — noticing when a plan is not working, checking an answer against the question — without a matching jump in general test scores. That is near transfer: chess did not make the children smarter in general, it made them better at monitoring their own thinking while doing something chess-like, and that skill did not travel very far past the domain it was trained in.

That study used an active control group of its own — children who received extra math instruction instead of chess — and still found the chess group ahead on the meta-cognitive measure, which is a more convincing design than most of the literature behind it. It is also a good example of what a believable transfer claim looks like: specific, modest, and tied to a plausible shared mechanism, rather than a blanket “chess makes children smarter.”

  • Real, and well supported. Chess makes you better at chess, and rating gains track practice hours closely.
  • Plausible, and modest. A year or more of regular instruction may help planning-heavy schoolwork a little, mainly math.
  • Not well supported once studies control for novelty. A durable boost to general intelligence.

So should you play chess for a smarter brain

If the goal is a higher IQ score, the honest answer is that chess is not a reliable way to get one, and probably no single hobby is; see how much of IQ is fixed versus changeable for the wider picture and what the evidence says actually moves the number. If the goal is a genuinely absorbing game that rewards planning, pattern recognition and calm decision-making under pressure, none of the transfer research changes that case at all — it only argues against expecting it to do something else on the side.

The more general lesson travels well beyond chess. Any claim that a specific game, app or hobby raises IQ deserves the same two questions asked here: what did the comparison group do, and how much of the reported effect survives once that comparison is fair? Retesting itself raises scores for reasons that have nothing to do with getting smarter, which is one more way an easy-looking result can mislead.

None of that is a reason to skip chess. It is a reason to want it for what it reliably gives you — a demanding, endlessly replayable game, not a training program with a guaranteed side effect on a test score you will take somewhere else entirely.

Share this article

Know someone who keeps seeing these numbers quoted without the scale they were measured on? Send it to them.