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Myopia and IQ

Research & Evidence

Myopia and IQ: Are Nearsighted People Really Smarter?

Myopia and IQ: are nearsighted people really smarter? A 2018 genetic study of 68,000 people found the causal arrow runs from more education to more myopia, not the other way around. See the historical studies, the genetics behind the link, and why time outdoors helps.

A diagram shows two arrows between education and myopia. A Mendelian-randomisation study found a causal arrow from more years of education to more myopia, about a quarter of a diopter per year, but found no significant effect running the other way, from myopia to educational attainment.

The link between myopia and IQ is real: people who are nearsighted (myopic) score a few points higher on intelligence tests and complete more years of education, on average, than people with normal vision — a finding repeated in large studies since the 1980s. It does not mean blurry distance vision makes anyone smarter. The best current evidence, a 2018 genetic study of nearly 68,000 people, found the arrow points the other way: more years spent in education causally increases the odds of becoming myopic, most likely through more reading and near-work and less time outdoors, while myopia itself showed no significant effect on educational attainment. This guide covers the historical studies behind the myopia-IQ link, the genetic evidence for what actually causes what, why time outdoors matters, and why the world is getting more nearsighted.

  • The correlation is real. Large military-conscript studies from the 1980s found nearsighted young men scored higher on intelligence tests than their normally-sighted peers.
  • The likely cause runs backward from the popular story. A 2018 Mendelian-randomisation study found each extra year of education raises myopia risk (about −0.27 dioptres per year), with no significant reverse effect of myopia on education.
  • Time outdoors helps. A randomised trial in China cut childhood myopia by roughly a quarter just by adding one outdoor class period a day.
  • Myopia is becoming much more common worldwide, projected to affect around half the global population by 2050, up from about 28% in 2010.
A diagram shows two arrows between education and myopia. A Mendelian-randomisation study found a causal arrow from more years of education to more myopia, about a quarter of a diopter per year, but found no significant effect running the other way, from myopia to educational attainment.
A diagram shows two arrows between education and myopia. A Mendelian-randomisation study found a causal arrow from more years of education to more myopia, about a quarter of a diopter per year, but found no significant effect running the other way, from myopia to educational attainment.

The correlation: where the myopia-IQ link comes from

The association between nearsightedness and cognitive test performance is not a fringe claim; it goes back to large studies of military conscripts, who in some countries take both a vision exam and an intelligence test as part of the same screening. A review of this literature in the Journal of Ophthalmology (Verma and Verma, 2015) describes two of the largest: a study of 15,834 Danish conscripts found myopic men scored higher on intelligence testing than non-myopic men, a difference the review reports as roughly 7 IQ points; a study of 157,748 Israeli conscripts aged 17 to 19 found myopia associated with both higher test scores and more years of education, and the association strengthened with the severity of the myopia. Both are observational studies of young men from a specific era and testing system, not a random sample of everyone, so treat the exact point differences as illustrative rather than universal.

Two explanations, and a decisive way to tell them apart

Two explanations for the correlation have competed for decades. One is behavioural: children who read more and spend more time on close-up schoolwork are exposed to more near-work, which is a known myopia risk factor, and are also the children most likely to do well on a cognitive test — near-work would then be a common cause of both, not evidence that either one causes the other. The other is genetic: an older study by Cohn, Cohn and Jensen (1988) compared gifted children with their own non-gifted siblings and found significantly more myopia in the gifted group, which the authors read as evidence of shared genetics (pleiotropy) rather than shared behaviour. More recent genome-wide association work from the CREAM Consortium has found genetic loci where refractive error interacts with educational attainment, evidence that at least part of the story does run through shared genes, alongside the behavioural path.

A study cannot easily tell these two explanations apart with correlation alone, which is why the 2018 study below matters: it used genetics to test the direction of causation directly, rather than just the existence of a link.

What a 2018 genetic study found: education causes myopia, not the other way around

Mountjoy and colleagues, publishing in The BMJ in 2018, used data from 67,798 UK Biobank participants and a technique called Mendelian randomisation, which uses genetic variants linked to a trait as a kind of natural experiment to test which way a causal arrow points. Their result: each additional year of education increased myopic refractive error by about 0.27 dioptres (95% confidence interval 0.17 to 0.37, a very strong statistical result). Tested in the other direction, each additional dioptre of myopia was associated with just 0.008 fewer years of education, a result with a confidence interval crossing zero and not statistically significant. The authors’ own conclusion was direct: more time in education is a causal risk factor for myopia. Myopia causing more education was not supported.

Mountjoy et al. (2018), Mendelian randomisation between education and myopia
Direction tested Effect Statistical significance
More education, then myopia -0.27 D per year of education (95% CI -0.37 to -0.17) Highly significant (P = 4×10 -8)
More myopia, then education -0.008 years of education per dioptre (95% CI -0.041 to 0.025) Not significant (P = 0.6)

That is the opposite emphasis from how the finding often gets repeated. The honest reading is not “nearsighted people are smarter” but “people who spend longer in education are more likely to become nearsighted,” with no good evidence running the other way. See also our guides to is IQ genetic and eye colour and IQ for two other traits people have tried to link to intelligence, with very different results.

Why time outdoors matters

If near-work is the behavioural link, then time spent away from close-up tasks should help, and a randomised trial backs that up directly. He and colleagues, publishing in JAMA in 2015, added one 40-minute outdoor class period per day to the school schedule of first-graders in 12 schools in Guangzhou, China, for three years, against 12 comparison schools with no change. Myopia had developed in 30.4% of the intervention group by the end of the study, against 39.5% of the comparison group, a roughly one-quarter reduction in new cases from one extra outdoor period a day. Nothing in that result requires less studying, only more time outdoors alongside it, which is consistent with light exposure, not merely a break from books, being the protective factor most researchers now point to.

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A fast-rising, worldwide trend

Myopia has been becoming more common for decades, and the trend line is steep. A widely cited 2016 analysis in Ophthalmology (Holden and colleagues) estimated that myopia affected about 28% of the world’s population, roughly 2 billion people, in 2010, and projected that share to reach roughly 50%, about 4.8 billion people, by 2050. High myopia, the more severe form that carries greater risk of other eye conditions, was estimated at about 4% (227 million people) in 2010, projected to reach roughly 10% (938 million) by 2050. More schooling, more screen-based near-work and less unstructured outdoor time in childhood are the leading explanations researchers give for the trend, which fits the causal direction the 2018 genetic study found.

A different but equally surprising IQ correlate

Myopia is not the only ordinary trait people have tried to link to intelligence. Our guide to creativity and IQ covers another one, the long-debated claim that intelligence and creative ability stop correlating above a certain score — a claim that, like the myopia story, turns out to be less clean than the popular version once you check the largest studies.

Quick answers

  • Are nearsighted people smarter? They score a few points higher on cognitive tests on average in several large studies, but the best evidence says this is not because myopia causes higher intelligence.
  • Does myopia cause high IQ, or does high IQ cause myopia? Neither, precisely. The strongest causal evidence says more years of education causally increases myopia risk; it found no significant effect of myopia on educational attainment.
  • Why are nearsighted people associated with higher test scores? Likely because more reading and near-work, both a myopia risk factor and a habit common among high scorers, plus some shared genetic factors, sit behind both.
  • Does reading more cause myopia? Extended near-work is one established risk factor; reduced time outdoors is another, and a randomised trial found extra outdoor time reduced new cases by roughly a quarter.
  • Is myopia becoming more common? Yes. A 2016 projection put it at roughly 28% of the world in 2010, rising to roughly 50% by 2050.

The bottom line

Nearsighted people really do score somewhat higher on cognitive tests in several large studies, but the best causal evidence available, a 2018 genetic study of nearly 68,000 people, points from education to myopia rather than from myopia to intelligence. More time spent reading and studying, and less time outdoors, is the more likely story behind both. Protecting a child’s eyesight and supporting their education are not in tension: the same research that explains the myopia-IQ correlation is also the evidence base for encouraging outdoor time alongside schoolwork, not instead of it.

Sources

  • Mountjoy, E. et al. (2018): education and myopia, assessing the direction of causality by Mendelian randomisation, The BMJ, 361:k2022.
  • He, M. et al. (2015): effect of time spent outdoors at school on the development of myopia among children in China, a randomised clinical trial, JAMA, 314(11):1142-1148.
  • Holden, B.A. et al. (2016): global prevalence of myopia and high myopia and temporal trends from 2000 through 2050, Ophthalmology, 123(5):1036-1042.
  • Verma, A. and Verma, A. (2015): a novel review of the evidence linking myopia and high intelligence, Journal of Ophthalmology, 2015:271746.
  • Cohn, S.J., Cohn, C.M. and Jensen, A.R. (1988): myopia and intelligence, a pleiotropic relationship?, Human Genetics, 80:53-58.

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Tagged childhood myopia, intelligence research, iq correlates, IQ Science, mendelian randomisation myopia, myopia and intelligence, myopia and iq, myopia education link, myopia prevalence, near work myopia, nearsighted and intelligence, nearsightedness iq link, outdoor time myopia, refractive error and iq

PISA Test vs IQ Test

Understanding IQ

Is PISA an IQ Test? What PISA Actually Measures

Is PISA an IQ test? No. PISA surveys applied school literacy across whole education systems and returns no individual score, while an IQ test diagnoses one person. See the new PISA 2025 results, published September 2026, and the real debate over using PISA as a national IQ proxy.

A comparison card contrasts PISA and an individual IQ test. PISA surveys a sample of 15-year-olds in each country and school system, reports no individual score, and rotates test booklets. An IQ test is given one to one and reports one diagnostic score to the person tested.

Is PISA an IQ test? No. The Programme for International Student Assessment, run by the OECD, measures how well 15-year-olds can apply reading, maths and science knowledge to real-world problems, using a survey design that never even returns an individual score to the student who sat it. An IQ test, by contrast, is given one to one and produces exactly that: one person’s diagnostic score. The two are correlated at the level of whole countries, but that correlation itself has been strongly challenged. This guide covers what PISA actually measures, the September 2026 results from the newest cycle, how it differs structurally from an IQ test, and the real debate over using PISA scores as a stand-in for national IQ.

  • What PISA measures: applied reading, maths and science literacy in 15-year-olds, not general cognitive ability.
  • No individual score: PISA uses rotated test booklets and reports statistical estimates for a population, not a score for any one student.
  • Newest results: PISA 2025, published September 2026, covered about 91 countries and education systems and recorded the lowest OECD-average scores yet in all three subjects.
  • The IQ link is contested: national PISA averages correlate strongly with one controversial “national IQ” dataset, but that dataset’s sampling has been heavily criticised.
A comparison card contrasts PISA and an individual IQ test. PISA surveys a sample of 15-year-olds in each country and school system, reports no individual score, and rotates test booklets. An IQ test is given one to one and reports one diagnostic score to the person tested.
A comparison card contrasts PISA and an individual IQ test. PISA surveys a sample of 15-year-olds in each country and school system, reports no individual score, and rotates test booklets. An IQ test is given one to one and reports one diagnostic score to the person tested.

What PISA actually is

PISA stands for the Programme for International Student Assessment. The OECD has run it since 1997, first administering it in 2000 and repeating it roughly every three years since (the 2022 round was delayed a year by the pandemic; the OECD is moving to a four-year cycle after 2025). In its own words, “PISA is a regularly-conducted survey of 15-year-old students around the world that assesses the extent to which they have acquired key knowledge and skills essential for full participation in social and economic life,” and it deliberately goes beyond recall: it “assess[es] how well students can extrapolate from what they have learned… and apply it to real-life problems.” That is an applied-literacy test tied to what 15-year-olds have been taught and have practised, not a culture-fair test of general reasoning ability like the ones covered in our guide to professional IQ tests. A different group-administered school test, the OLSAT, blurs the line with an IQ test more than PISA does; see our guide to the OLSAT test.

The September 2026 results: PISA 2025

The newest cycle, PISA 2025, covered 15-year-olds across 38 OECD countries and 53 partner countries and economies, about 91 education systems in total, with initial results published by the OECD in September 2026. On the programme’s shared scale, where each subject was originally set to a mean of 500 with a standard deviation of 100 in its baseline year, the 2025 OECD average came to 482 in science, 461 in reading and 463 in mathematics. All three fell from the 2022 cycle (science down 3 points, not a significant change; reading down 14; mathematics down 9), which the OECD describes as the lowest OECD-average performance recorded so far in all three core subjects.

PISA 2025 OECD averages and change since PISA 2022
Subject 2025 OECD average Change since 2022
Mathematics 463 -9 points
Reading 461 -14 points
Science 482 -3 points, not significant

The highest scores in the 2025 cycle came from the Chinese provinces tested as a group under the label B-S-J-Z (Beijing, Shanghai, Jiangsu and Zhejiang), which led in both mathematics (612) and science (597), and from Singapore, which led in reading (535) and also scored highly in science (560) and mathematics (563). Macao, Chinese Taipei, Japan and Korea also placed near the top across subjects. Bear in mind that B-S-J-Z represents specific, more developed Chinese provinces rather than the country as a whole, a distinction the OECD itself is explicit about.

Why PISA does not work like an IQ test

The structural differences run deeper than subject matter. PISA uses a rotated-booklet design: no single student answers every question, and item response theory combines everyone in a school or country into population-level statistical estimates (“plausible values”) rather than individual scores. The programme’s own technical documentation is explicit that PISA is low-stakes for the student: results are used to compare education systems, and students taking it do not receive individual feedback on their own performance at all. An individually administered test such as the Stanford-Binet or the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children works the opposite way: one person sits with a trained psychologist for roughly 45 to 65 minutes and receives a Full Scale IQ plus several index scores, a diagnostic result meant to describe that individual. PISA was never built to produce that kind of number for anyone.

PISA versus an individually administered IQ test
Feature PISA Individual IQ test (e.g. WISC-V)
Purpose Compare education systems across countries Diagnose one person’s cognitive profile
Administration Group, rotated booklets, often computer-based One to one with a trained examiner
Individual score returned? No, only population-level estimates Yes, a Full Scale IQ plus index scores
What it targets Applied reading, maths and science literacy tied to schooling General reasoning ability, designed to reduce dependence on curriculum content
Stakes for the student Low; no individual feedback given High; used for diagnosis, placement or eligibility

The real debate: do national PISA scores measure "national IQ"?

National average PISA scores correlate strongly with one specific dataset of estimated national IQs: Rindermann (2007) reported a correlation of .88 (adjusted to .84) between a combined student-assessment score, PISA included, and the national IQ estimates published by Lynn and Vanhanen (2006) across 46 to 47 countries. That is a strong correlation, and it is often cited as evidence that PISA is, in effect, measuring the same thing an IQ test would. The trouble is the national IQ dataset itself. Volken (2003) found the underlying samples were not representative at the national level for many countries, and a systematic review by Wicherts, Dolan and van der Maas (2010) found the exclusion criteria used to build the Lynn and Vanhanen estimates were never published; when they added back studies that had been excluded without a stated reason, the estimated average IQ for sub-Saharan Africa rose from 67 to 82, a very large change driven entirely by which studies were counted. Our own page on average IQ by country publishes figures from this same contested tradition, and our news piece on what country IQ rankings data cannot support sets out the wider case against treating any national IQ ranking as settled science. A strong country-level correlation between two measurements does not make them interchangeable, especially when one side of the correlation is itself disputed.

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Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

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What about one person? Does a PISA-style score predict an individual IQ score?

At the level of one student rather than one country, the relevant comparison is the long-studied link between intelligence and school achievement generally. A large meta-analysis by Roth and colleagues (2015), pooling 240 samples and 105,185 people, found intelligence correlated with school grades at ρ = .54. Earlier meta-analyses looking specifically at standardised achievement tests, the closer comparison to what PISA measures, found correlations in a similar range: .48 (Boulanger, 1981), .43 (Fleming and Malone, 1983) and .34 (Steinkamp and Maehr, 1983). No peer-reviewed study was found that measured the correlation between an individual PISA-style assessment score and an individual IQ score directly, so the honest answer is that the relationship is inferred from the broader achievement-intelligence literature, not measured on PISA itself.

Quick answers

  • Is PISA an IQ test? No. It is an applied-literacy assessment of reading, maths and science for 15-year-olds, built to compare education systems, and it does not return an individual score to any student.
  • What is the most recent PISA result? PISA 2025, published by the OECD in September 2026: OECD averages of 463 in mathematics, 461 in reading and 482 in science, the lowest recorded so far in all three.
  • Which country scored highest on PISA 2025? B-S-J-Z (Beijing, Shanghai, Jiangsu and Zhejiang, in China) led mathematics and science; Singapore led reading.
  • Do PISA scores measure national IQ? They correlate strongly with one specific, heavily disputed national-IQ dataset. The correlation is real; whether that dataset is trustworthy is a separate and contested question.
  • Can a school or a parent get an individual child’s PISA score? No. PISA is designed as a population survey and does not report individual results at all.

The bottom line

PISA and an IQ test measure different things in different ways for different purposes: PISA surveys applied school-taught literacy across whole education systems and tells a student nothing about their own score, while an IQ test diagnoses one person’s general reasoning ability. The two are related at the national level, strongly enough that some researchers treat PISA as a proxy for national cognitive ability, but that proxy rests on a national-IQ dataset whose sampling methods critics have directly challenged. Read PISA rankings for what they are, a measure of applied literacy under a specific school system, rather than as a national intelligence test.

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Tagged intelligence research, international student assessment, IQ Science, is pisa an iq test, lynn and vanhanen national iq, national iq rankings, pisa 2025 results, pisa mathematics reading science, pisa oecd rankings, pisa score meaning, pisa test explained, pisa test scores by country, pisa vs iq test, programme for international student assessment

OLSAT Test

Scores & Scales

OLSAT Test: The Otis-Lennon School Ability Test Explained

The OLSAT test (Otis-Lennon School Ability Test) is a group-administered reasoning test scored on a School Ability Index with mean 100 and SD 16, best known for New York City Gifted and Talented admissions. See how it works, its history, and the NYC admissions cutoffs and controversy.

A single card shows the OLSAT at a glance: seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12, five reasoning clusters, and a School Ability Index scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16, wider than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15.

The OLSAT test, or Otis-Lennon School Ability Test, is a group-administered reasoning test used mainly for school placement and gifted-program admission in the United States, most visibly for New York City’s Gifted and Talented program. It reports a School Ability Index, or SAI, on a scale with a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16 — wider than the 15 used by the Wechsler scales and the current Stanford-Binet, which is why the same percentile prints a different number on each. This guide covers what OLSAT actually tests, how the SAI scale works, its history back to World War One-era army testing, how New York City has used and repeatedly changed its cutoffs, and how it compares with the CogAT and the NNAT.

  • What it measures: verbal comprehension, verbal reasoning, pictorial reasoning, figural reasoning and quantitative reasoning — a reasoning test, not a test of taught content.
  • Levels: the current eighth edition (OLSAT-8) has seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12.
  • Scale: the School Ability Index has a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16; a score of about 132 sits near the 97th to 98th percentile.
  • Format: group-administered, multiple choice, roughly 60 to 75 minutes including directions.
  • Best-known use: New York City Gifted and Talented admissions, historically alongside the NNAT.
A single card shows the OLSAT at a glance: seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12, five reasoning clusters, and a School Ability Index scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16, wider than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15.
A single card shows the OLSAT at a glance: seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12, five reasoning clusters, and a School Ability Index scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16, wider than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15.

What is the OLSAT?

OLSAT stands for the Otis-Lennon School Ability Test. It is a group-administered test, given with paper and pencil or on a computer to a classroom at once, unlike the one-to-one clinical batteries covered in our guides to professional IQ tests, the Stanford-Binet and the WPPSI-IV. It is built to measure reasoning ability rather than what a student has been taught, which is the same distinction our guide to the Woodcock-Johnson draws between its cognitive and achievement batteries. Schools and districts use OLSAT results for gifted-program screening, placement decisions and, in some private schools, admission. A different kind of school-administered assessment, the international PISA survey, gets confused with an IQ test for a different reason; see our guide to PISA versus IQ tests.

A short history: from Army testing to the classroom

The test traces to Arthur S. Otis, who studied under Lewis Terman at Stanford in the years before World War One. Otis had been developing a group-administered, multiple-choice approach to mental testing, and his item-writing work fed into the Army Alpha, the test the US Army used to screen recruits in 1917 and 1918 — the same wartime testing effort covered in our piece on the eugenics era of IQ testing. After the war Otis published the Otis Group Intelligence Scale (1920) and the Otis Self-Administering Tests (1922) through World Book Company. The test later passed to Roger T. Lennon, who oversaw its growth and gave it the combined Otis-Lennon name. Ownership of the current edition changed hands again in February 2022, when Pearson transferred OLSAT-8 to Multi-Health Systems (MHS) as part of a wider product transfer.

What the OLSAT actually tests

The OLSAT is organised around five reasoning clusters: verbal comprehension, verbal reasoning, pictorial reasoning, figural reasoning and quantitative reasoning. In practice this means analogies (both worded and picture-based), figural series that ask a child to continue a visual pattern, and classification items that ask which picture or word does not belong. Younger levels lean on pictures and symbols for children who cannot yet read fluently; older levels shift toward printed words and numbers. Nothing on the test asks a student to recall a taught fact, which is the point of calling it an ability test rather than an achievement test.

The School Ability Index: mean 100, SD 16

OLSAT results are reported as a School Ability Index (SAI), scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16. That is a different scale from the Wechsler tests and the current Stanford-Binet 5, both of which use a standard deviation of 15; our news piece on standard deviation 15 versus 16 explains why the same percentile prints a different raw number depending on which scale a test uses. A commonly cited reference point: an SAI of about 132 sits near the 97th to 98th percentile, which is why 132 shows up repeatedly in gifted-admission cutoffs built around the OLSAT.

OLSAT SAI reference points (School Ability Index, mean 100, SD 16)
SAI score Approximate percentile
116 84th (about +1 SD)
132 97th to 98th (about +2 SD)
148 99.9th (about +3 SD)

These are reference points on the SAI’s own scale, not a conversion to a Wechsler or Stanford-Binet number; see Mensa IQ score requirements for how a single percentile requirement is expressed differently across several named tests.

New York City Gifted and Talented: a moving target

The OLSAT’s highest-profile use is New York City’s Gifted and Talented (G&T) admissions process, and the city’s cutoffs and methods have changed repeatedly. For years, admission combined the OLSAT with the Naglieri Nonverbal Ability Test (NNAT), which reportedly replaced an earlier school-readiness screener as the nonverbal component around 2012. Through the 2010s, a combined percentile of about the 90th typically qualified a child for a district gifted program, and about the 97th for one of the five citywide or specialized gifted schools.

New York City kindergarten Gifted and Talented admissions, a timeline
Period Method
Through 2020-21 OLSAT plus NNAT; roughly 90th percentile for a district program, roughly 97th for a citywide school
2021 Mayor de Blasio proposed eliminating the gifted track entirely; not enacted before he left office
2022-23 Mayor Adams shifted district-level screening toward teacher and family nominations
2023 An admissions lottery open to children rated “4” (the top rating) on early-childhood assessments
2024 The lottery expanded to include children rated “3” as well as “4”
2025 Gifted admission folded into the single general kindergarten application
Proposed for fall 2027 Mayor Mamdani has proposed ending kindergarten-entry gifted admission altogether; about 68% of surveyed parents opposed the idea in a February 2026 poll

Two things are worth separating here. First, a single test score deciding a 4- or 5-year-old’s school track drew sustained criticism on equity grounds: in the last year the old system ran in full, only about 12% of kindergarten gifted seats went to Black or Latino students in a school system where those groups make up a much larger share of enrollment. Second, the Mamdani proposal is exactly that, a proposal, not a decided policy; if you are evaluating a specific school year’s admissions process, confirm the current method directly with the NYC Department of Education rather than relying on any single year’s description, including this one.

Your own number

Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

Find your IQ score now! →

Secure & encryptedInstant results10–20 minutes

Does the OLSAT predict other test scores?

An older but still-cited study gave both the OLSAT and the WISC-R to 431 students referred for evaluation in Alabama and found the two correlated significantly for most groups — but not for the group of students already identified as gifted, where the relationship weakened. The same study reported evidence of predictive bias by race in how OLSAT scores related to outcomes, an equity concern in the same territory covered by our guide to cultural bias in IQ tests. Two patterns follow from findings like this: a screening test’s accuracy can be worse at the extreme scores that matter most for gifted selection, and a group-administered reasoning test is not interchangeable with an individually administered clinical battery even when both report a reasoning-based score.

OLSAT versus CogAT versus NNAT

Three group-administered school ability tests
Test Format
OLSAT Blends verbal and nonverbal reasoning in one combined score (the SAI).
CogAT (Cognitive Abilities Test) Three separate batteries: verbal, quantitative and nonverbal, each scored on its own.
NNAT (Naglieri Nonverbal Ability Test) Fully nonverbal and figural; designed to reduce the effect of language and educational background.

Districts pick among these partly on what they want to measure and partly on cost and testing time; some, like New York City historically, use two of them together to cover both a verbal-inclusive score and a purely nonverbal one. Our news piece on CogAT and NNAT scores explained covers the other two in more detail, and IQ test questions for kids covers the item types children encounter across all three.

Quick answers

  • What does OLSAT stand for? Otis-Lennon School Ability Test.
  • What is a good OLSAT score? The SAI has a mean of 100. Scores used for gifted admission commonly sit around 128 to 132, roughly the 97th to 98th percentile.
  • Is the OLSAT an IQ test? It is a school-ability reasoning test that behaves like one, reported on a mean-100 scale, but it is group-administered rather than the individually administered format of a clinical IQ test.
  • What age or grade is the OLSAT for? The current edition, OLSAT-8, spans seven levels from kindergarten through grade 12.
  • Who publishes the OLSAT now? Pearson published earlier editions; ownership of OLSAT-8 passed to Multi-Health Systems (MHS) in February 2022.
  • Does New York City still use the OLSAT for Gifted and Talented? The city has changed its admissions method several times since 2021 and, as of early 2026, a further change is proposed for 2027. Confirm the current year’s method directly with the NYC DOE.

The bottom line

The OLSAT is a group-administered reasoning test, not a taught-content achievement test, scored on a School Ability Index with a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16 — a full point wider per step than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15. It descends from Arthur Otis’s World War One-era testing work, and its highest-profile modern use, New York City’s Gifted and Talented admissions, has changed method almost every year since 2021. Read any single score, especially one near a gifted-program cutoff, as one data point rather than a verdict.

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Tagged gifted admissions test, group iq test, intelligence research, IQ Science, nyc gifted and talented test, olsat 8, olsat percentile, olsat scores, olsat test, olsat vs cogat, olsat vs nnat, otis-lennon school ability test, school ability index, school ability test

Does COVID Lower IQ?

Research & Evidence

Does COVID Lower IQ? What the Largest Studies Found

Does COVID lower IQ? The largest study found a cognitive-test gap of about 3 IQ points after resolved COVID, 6 with unresolved symptoms and 9 after intensive care. See what that measures, what other studies add, and why it is not an IQ test.

Four bars show cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none: about 3.5 IQ points when symptoms had resolved, in under 4 weeks or after 12 weeks or more, 6.3 when symptoms were unresolved after 12 weeks, and 9.5 after intensive care. The tasks were a cognitive battery, not an IQ test.

Does COVID lower IQ? On average, slightly, according to the largest study so far. An English study of 112,964 adults found a cognitive-test gap equivalent to about 3 IQ points after a COVID-19 infection that had cleared, about 6 points for people whose symptoms were still unresolved after 12 weeks and about 9 points for people who had been treated in intensive care. Those figures describe group averages on an online cognitive battery, not on IQ tests, and nobody was tested before infection, so they show an association rather than a measured loss. This guide explains what was measured, what other studies add, whether the gap fades, and what to do if you notice brain fog.

  • Largest study: 112,964 adults in England completed eight online cognitive tasks (Hampshire and colleagues, New England Journal of Medicine, 2024).
  • Size of the gap: 0.23 to 0.24 standard deviations after COVID that had cleared (about 3 IQ points), 0.42 with unresolved symptoms (about 6) and 0.63 after intensive care (about 9).
  • Not an IQ test: the researchers converted standard-deviation gaps into IQ points for comparison; they did not give an IQ test.
  • No baseline: nobody was tested before infection, so the study cannot show that anyone lost points.
Four bars show cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none: about 3.5 IQ points when symptoms had resolved, in under 4 weeks or after 12 weeks or more, 6.3 when symptoms were unresolved after 12 weeks, and 9.5 after intensive care. The tasks were a cognitive battery, not an IQ test.
Four bars show cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none: about 3.5 IQ points when symptoms had resolved, in under 4 weeks or after 12 weeks or more, 6.3 when symptoms were unresolved after 12 weeks, and 9.5 after intensive care. The tasks were a cognitive battery, not an IQ test.

What the largest study measured

The study, published in February 2024, drew on the REACT programme in England. The researchers invited 800,000 adults to take an online assessment; 141,583 started it and 112,964 completed all eight tasks, about 14% of those invited (our arithmetic). Each person’s results were combined into a global cognitive score, adjusted for demographics and pre-existing health conditions, and each group was compared with a no-COVID group of people who had not been infected or whose infection was unconfirmed.

Three findings stand out. People whose symptoms resolved in under 4 weeks and people whose symptoms resolved after 12 weeks or more showed similar small deficits (0.23 and 0.24 standard deviations below the no-COVID group). People with unresolved persistent symptoms showed a larger one (0.42). And deficits were larger for infections in the original-virus and Alpha periods than in later ones (0.17 standard deviations larger) and for people who had been hospitalised (intensive care: 0.35 below non-hospitalised cases). Among people with unresolved symptoms, memory, reasoning and executive-function tasks showed the biggest gaps (0.20 to 0.33), and those tasks correlated only weakly with recent symptoms such as poor memory and brain fog.

What the gap means in IQ points

The authors described a gap of about 0.2 standard deviations for resolved mild cases as small by conventional effect-size labels, equal to about 3 points on a standard 15-point IQ scale, and put the intensive-care gap of 0.63 standard deviations at about 9 points. Multiplying each gap by 15 gives the rest. The Cognitron tasks are not an IQ test, and an earlier paper from the same group describes that kind of online battery as not an IQ test in the classic sense. The conversion is a way to picture a small statistical difference, and it assumes a standard deviation of 15 points.

Cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none (Hampshire and colleagues, 2024)
Group Gap (SD) IQ points (SD x 15) Average person ranks at
Symptoms resolved in under 4 weeks 0.23 3.5 41st percentile
Symptoms resolved after 12 weeks or more 0.24 3.6 41st percentile
Symptoms unresolved after 12 weeks 0.42 6.3 34th percentile
Treated in intensive care 0.63 9.5 26th percentile

The IQ-point and percentile columns are our conversions (the authors round to about 3 and about 9). Read the last column as a picture of overlap. A gap of 0.23 standard deviations moves the average person in the COVID group from the 50th percentile to about the 41st percentile of the no-COVID group, and the groups overlap heavily: pick one person from each at random and the person from the COVID group scores lower only about 56% of the time. For one person, a 3-point gap is also about the size of the 2 to 3 point standard error of an IQ score, explained in our piece on the margin of error in an IQ score, and a little smaller than the roughly 4-point gain a second sitting of the same test typically brings from practice alone.

Long COVID and brain fog: how common are they?

The UK Office for National Statistics estimated that 2.0 million people in private households (3.1% of the population) were experiencing self-reported long COVID, meaning symptoms lasting more than four weeks that were not explained by something else, as of 2 January 2023. Fatigue was the most common symptom (71%), followed by difficulty concentrating (52%). The NHS lists problems with memory and concentration, also called brain fog, among the common symptoms of long COVID.

A meta-analysis of 43 studies of people at least 12 weeks after diagnosis put the pooled proportion with cognitive impairment at 0.22 (95% confidence interval 0.17 to 0.28). The studies varied enormously (I-squared 98%) and were searched only to June 2021 (Ceban and colleagues, 2022), so treat the figure as a rough signal of how often cognitive problems are found rather than a rate for today.

What other studies add

  • 81,337 people tested in 2020. The same group’s earlier study found deficits in people who had recovered, largest for those who had been ventilated: 0.47 standard deviations, about 7 IQ points by the authors’ comparison. They set that beside the average 10-year decline in the same data between ages 20 and 70, and beside the deficits of people who reported a stroke (0.24, 480 people) or learning disabilities (0.38, 998 people).
  • Brain scans before and after. Douaud and colleagues (Nature, 2022) re-scanned 785 UK Biobank participants aged 51 to 81; 401 had tested positive between scans, 141 days before the second scan on average. Infected people showed a greater reduction in grey-matter thickness in two regions, a greater reduction in global brain size and a greater cognitive decline, and the effects remained after excluding the 15 who had been hospitalised.
  • A pre-pandemic baseline, older adults. Demmer and colleagues (JAMA Network Open, 2025) followed 3,525 people with a mean age of 80.8 who had cognitive tests before the pandemic. Cognition declined faster after infection in people who had been hospitalised, in memory and executive function but not language, and not in infected people who were not hospitalised.
  • A small counter-example. Daher and colleagues (2025) followed 110 adults (median age 45) who had a cognitive test before infection and a second one about a year later; 55 caught COVID in between. They found no statistically significant difference in overall cognitive scores between those who did and did not.

Does the gap fade? What we know about recovery

The evidence is mixed and mostly short-term. In the largest study, people whose persistent symptoms had resolved scored much like people with shorter illnesses, and the authors concluded that the longer-term persistence of cognitive deficits and any clinical implications remain uncertain. The association with early infection weakened after adjusting for markers of illness severity, and the deficits were smaller for later variants. In the study with baseline scores, only hospitalised infection was linked to faster decline. The fair summary is a small average gap in cross-sectional data, larger with severe illness, unresolved symptoms and early variants, and follow-up with baselines that is still thin.

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What about babies and children?

The pandemic-era studies of young children measure development, not IQ, and they try to separate infection from the pandemic environment. In a New York study of 255 infants, maternal infection during pregnancy was not associated with differences on any Ages & Stages Questionnaire subdomain at 6 months, but infants born during the pandemic scored lower on gross motor skills (a mean difference of 5.63 points) than a historical group of 62 born before it (Shuffrey and colleagues, 2022). A meta-analysis of 8 studies and 21,419 infants found that overall neurodevelopment in the first year was not changed by being born or raised during the pandemic or by exposure in the womb, although communication delay was more likely (odds ratio 1.70; Hessami and colleagues, 2022).

Neither used an IQ test. Our guide to the baby IQ test explains why no valid IQ score exists before age 2 years 6 months, the WPPSI-IV guide covers the first true preschool IQ test, and IQ testing for children covers the rest. Falling school test scores after the pandemic are a separate matter: see why falling reading scores are not falling IQ.

How to read a headline that says COVID lowers IQ

  • Group average, not you. A small average gap leaves the two groups overlapping heavily and says nothing certain about any one person.
  • No before-and-after. The largest study had no pre-infection scores. Its authors say they could not assess change and could not infer causality from observational data.
  • A self-selected online sample. About 14% of those invited completed the tasks, and the authors note that a study requiring active participation has some self-selection bias.
  • A battery, not an IQ test. The IQ-point figures are a translation of standard-deviation gaps.
  • Infection and pandemic are tangled. An accompanying editorial asked what a 3-point loss means in daily functioning and how to separate infection from pandemic effects such as isolation, grief and trauma.

If you notice memory or thinking problems after COVID

Brain fog after COVID is recognised enough that the NHS lists it as a long COVID symptom and advises seeing a GP if you think you might have long COVID. A consumer IQ test is the wrong tool: it has no baseline for you, its score moves by a few points between sittings, and fatigue, poor sleep, stress and low mood also lower performance (see sleep and IQ and how sleep loss changes test scores). Other temporary dips are documented too, for example in menopause and with hearing loss. Clinicians use screening tools such as the MoCA and, where needed, a full neuropsychological assessment; our guide to whether an IQ test can detect dementia explains the difference between screening and IQ testing. If you have an earlier score from an individually administered test such as the Stanford-Binet, a psychologist can use it as a baseline; see also what retesting shows about IQ change.

Quick answers

  • Does COVID lower IQ? On average, slightly: the largest study found gaps of about 3 IQ points after resolved COVID, 6 with unresolved symptoms and 9 after intensive care, on a cognitive battery rather than an IQ test.
  • How many IQ points does long COVID cost? About 6 points on average in the largest study (0.42 standard deviations times 15), with wide overlap between people.
  • Is COVID brain fog permanent? Not established. Small average gaps were found even after recovery, but longer-term persistence and clinical importance remain uncertain.
  • Does mild COVID affect thinking? The largest study found a small gap; a study with pre-pandemic baselines found faster decline only after hospitalisation.
  • Can an IQ test detect COVID brain fog? Not reliably: it has no personal baseline and its score varies by a few points between sittings. See a GP if you are worried.

The bottom line

COVID-19 is associated with a small average drop on cognitive tests, larger with long-lasting symptoms and severe illness. The 3, 6 and 9 IQ-point figures are conversions of standard-deviation gaps from an online battery, taken with no pre-infection scores and from a self-selected sample, so they describe groups and leave the long-term picture open. If your own thinking has changed, the useful step is a conversation with a clinician, not an online score.

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Tagged cognitive decline, cognitive test scores, covid and cognition, covid brain fog iq points, covid iq loss, does covid lower iq, effect size, health and iq, intelligence research, iq points, IQ Science, long covid brain fog, long covid cognitive deficits, post covid cognitive impairment

WPPSI-IV Test

Scores & Scales

WPPSI-IV Test: Age Range, Subtests and Scores Explained

The WPPSI-IV test covers ages 2:6 to 7:7 in two bands, with 15 subtests, five index scores and a Full Scale IQ. See what each subtest asks, how a published sample report reads, how the score labels work, and what a preschool score can and cannot tell parents.

Two panels show the WPPSI-IV age bands. Ages 2 years 6 months to 3 years 11 months get three index scores (verbal comprehension, visual spatial, working memory); ages 4 years to 7 years 7 months get five (adding fluid reasoning and processing speed). Each band also gets a Full Scale IQ.

The WPPSI-IV test (Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, Fourth Edition) is an individually given intelligence test for children aged 2 years 6 months to 7 years 7 months. It comes in two age bands, with 7 subtests for ages 2:6 to 3:11 and 15 for ages 4:0 to 7:7, and reports a Full Scale IQ plus index scores on a scale with a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15. Published by Pearson in 2012 and normed on 1,700 children, it is used to evaluate developmental delay, disability and giftedness and, Pearson notes, private-school admission. This guide covers the age bands, the subtests, how to read a report, the score labels, reliability, and what a preschool score can and cannot tell you.

  • Ages: 2:6 to 7:7, in two bands: 2:6 to 3:11 and 4:0 to 7:7.
  • Subtests: 7 in the younger band and 15 in the older; the 2012 edition dropped four WPPSI-III subtests and added five.
  • Scores: a Full Scale IQ, three (younger) or five (older) primary index scores, and optional ancillary indexes.
  • Norms: 1,700 children (600 in the younger band, 1,100 in the older), matched to US census data.
  • Time: 30 to 45 minutes (younger) or 45 to 60 minutes (older) for the core subtests.
  • Who gives it: a trained examiner (Pearson qualification level C). There is no version a parent can give at home.
Two panels show the WPPSI-IV age bands. Ages 2 years 6 months to 3 years 11 months get three index scores (verbal comprehension, visual spatial, working memory); ages 4 years to 7 years 7 months get five (adding fluid reasoning and processing speed). Each band also gets a Full Scale IQ.
Two panels show the WPPSI-IV age bands. Ages 2 years 6 months to 3 years 11 months get three index scores (verbal comprehension, visual spatial, working memory); ages 4 years to 7 years 7 months get five (adding fluid reasoning and processing speed). Each band also gets a Full Scale IQ.

What is the WPPSI-IV?

The WPPSI is the youngest member of the Wechsler family: the WPPSI covers preschool and early school ages, the WISC covers school age (see WISC-V index scores) and the WAIS covers adults (see WAIS index scores). Pearson lists its uses as identifying and qualifying children with cognitive delays for special services, evaluating children for cognitive delays, intellectual disabilities, autism and giftedness, and determining admittance eligibility for private schools. Another individually given battery that starts at age 2 is the Stanford-Binet; see also IQ testing for children and why babies cannot be given an IQ score.

The fourth edition was a substantial revision of the WPPSI-III. Four subtests were dropped (Word Reasoning, Picture Completion, Symbol Search and Coding) and five were added (Picture Memory, Zoo Locations, Bug Search, Cancellation and Animal Coding), according to the Buros review of the test. The publisher says it added a working-memory composite, new measures of processing speed and separate visual-spatial and fluid-reasoning composites for ages 4:0 to 7:7, and it extended the age range up to 7 years 7 months.

WPPSI-IV age range and age bands

The two WPPSI-IV age bands
Feature Ages 2:6 to 3:11 Ages 4:0 to 7:7
Subtests 7 15
Primary index scores Verbal Comprehension, Visual Spatial, Working Memory Verbal Comprehension, Visual Spatial, Fluid Reasoning, Working Memory, Processing Speed
Full Scale IQ Yes Yes
Norm sample 600 children 1,100 children
Core testing time 30 to 45 minutes 45 to 60 minutes

Ages are written years:months, so 2:6 means 2 years 6 months. The boundary matters because the younger band has no Fluid Reasoning or Processing Speed index: a child tested at 3:10 gets three index scores, and the same child tested three months later gets five. The upper limit of 7:7 overlaps the WISC-V, which starts at 6:0; see the section on choosing between them below.

The WPPSI-IV subtests

Primary index subtests by age band
Index Ages 2:6 to 3:11 Ages 4:0 to 7:7
Verbal Comprehension (VCI) Receptive Vocabulary, Information (Picture Naming supplemental) Information, Similarities (Vocabulary and Comprehension supplemental)
Visual Spatial (VSI) Block Design, Object Assembly Block Design, Object Assembly
Fluid Reasoning (FRI) Not reported Matrix Reasoning, Picture Concepts
Working Memory (WMI) Picture Memory, Zoo Locations Picture Memory, Zoo Locations
Processing Speed (PSI) Not reported Bug Search, Cancellation (Animal Coding supplemental)

Pearson’s published sample report describes what a child does on the older-band tasks:

  • Block Design: view designs and use blocks to re-create each one.
  • Object Assembly: put together the pieces of puzzles to make pictures of common objects.
  • Information: answer general knowledge questions.
  • Similarities: say how two common objects or ideas are alike.
  • Matrix Reasoning: pick the missing piece of an incomplete pattern.
  • Picture Concepts: choose pictures from two or three rows that share a trait.
  • Picture Memory: memorise pictures and find them on later pages.
  • Zoo Locations: memorise where animal cards sit on a map, then place the cards there.
  • Bug Search and Cancellation: scan pictures and mark the ones that match a target.

One point surprises parents: the Full Scale IQ is not simply built from every index. In the sample report for the older band, the Full Scale IQ is derived from six subtests (Information, Similarities, Block Design, Matrix Reasoning, Picture Memory and Bug Search), and the authors of a standard guide note that a subtest that is core for an index is not necessarily core for the Full Scale IQ. So the Full Scale IQ is not an average of the five index scores.

How WPPSI-IV scores work

Subtest scores are scaled scores with a mean of 10 and a standard deviation of 3, from 1 to 19; scores between 7 and 12 are usually considered average. Composite scores, the Full Scale IQ and the index scores, have a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15, and an index score can range from 40 to 160. Pearson’s sample report treats 90 to 109 as average. A report also gives a percentile rank, a 95% confidence interval and a descriptive label for each composite. Here is the composite table from Pearson’s sample report for a fictional child:

Composite scores in Pearson’s sample WPPSI-IV interpretive report (older band)
Composite Score Percentile 95% confidence interval Label
Verbal Comprehension 90 25 84 to 97 Average
Visual Spatial 118 88 107 to 125 High Average
Fluid Reasoning 106 66 98 to 113 Average
Working Memory 103 58 95 to 111 Average
Processing Speed 94 34 85 to 104 Average
Full Scale IQ 99 47 93 to 105 Average

Three things stand out. The Visual Spatial score is 28 points above Verbal Comprehension, which is the kind of uneven profile the index scores exist to show. The Full Scale IQ of 99 has a 95% confidence interval 12 points wide, so it is a range and not a point; our note on the margin of error in an IQ score explains why. And the labels follow the score bands: 90 to 109 is Average and 110 to 119 is High Average. Test-prep summaries list Superior for 120 to 129 and Very Superior for 130 and above; check the labels printed in your child’s own report, because publishers draw the bands differently. You can convert any score to a percentile with the IQ percentile calculator.

There are also four optional ancillary indexes: the Vocabulary Acquisition Index (receptive vocabulary and picture naming), the Nonverbal Index (subtests that need no spoken response, useful for English language learners, deaf or hard-of-hearing children and children with suspected language or autism spectrum conditions), the General Ability Index (less reliant on working memory and processing speed) and the Cognitive Proficiency Index (working memory and processing speed, older band only). In the sample report the General Ability Index is 108, nine points above the Full Scale IQ of 99, because the child’s weaker working-memory and processing-speed results count less in it; our news piece on full-scale IQ versus index scores covers how to read differences like that.

How reliable is the WPPSI-IV?

Internal-consistency reliability is high for the composite: .96 overall for the Full Scale IQ, with a range of .95 to .96 across the age groups, and from .86 for Processing Speed to .94 for Verbal Comprehension across the primary indexes overall (Raiford and Coalson, 2014). In a retest of 172 children after 7 to 48 days (23 on average), uncorrected stability was .88 for the Full Scale IQ and .78 to .88 for the index scores (Buros review). Those are short-term figures. Retesting the same child soon raises the score a little through familiarity; see our piece on what practice changes on a cognitive test.

Independent analysis adds a caution. Watkins and Beaujean (2014) tested a bifactor model on the normative sample and found that the general factor accounted for more variance in every subtest than its domain-specific factor, and that the domain-specific factors had poor reliability independent of it (coefficients of 0.05 to 0.33). Their conclusion was that only the general intelligence dimension was robust and precise enough for clinical use. In practice that means the Full Scale IQ deserves more weight than any single index difference.

The publisher says the subtests have improved floors and ceilings that allow more accurate measurement at the extremes of ability. We could not find an independent test of how well that holds for very young or very gifted children, so treat the claim as the publisher’s.

Your own number

Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

Find your IQ score now! →

Secure & encryptedInstant results10–20 minutes

WPPSI-IV or WISC-V at ages 6 and 7?

Between 6:0 and 7:7 a clinician can choose either test. A Finnish study compared Swedish versions in typically developing children aged 6:1 to 7:2, 38 tested with the WPPSI-IV and 24 with the WISC-V, in a between-subjects design. The WISC-V group scored significantly lower on Verbal Comprehension, Fluid Reasoning and the Full Scale IQ, and the authors concluded that the two tests produce partly different cognitive profiles (Salonen and colleagues, 2023). The samples were small, but the practical point stands: a WPPSI-IV score at 7 and a WISC-V score a year later come from different instruments, so small differences between them should not be over-read.

Gifted testing and the WPPSI-IV

No single WPPSI-IV score qualifies a child as gifted everywhere: schools, gifted programmes and private schools set their own rules, and one may focus on the Full Scale IQ while another looks at particular indexes. American Mensa, for example, accepts a Wechsler Full Scale IQ of 130 (the WPPSI-IV is on its list), provided the test was given in its entirety by a neutral, qualified third party. Our guides to gifted cutoff scores and the signs of a gifted child cover the rest, and the news pieces on CogAT and NNAT scores and universal screening cover group tests. Any preschool score is a snapshot with a margin of error: see what retesting shows about IQ change and the margin of error.

Can you prepare a child, or take the WPPSI-IV at home?

The WPPSI-IV is a paper-and-pencil kit sold at qualification level C, scored by hand or on Pearson’s Q-global platform, so it cannot be given at home or online. We found no study that measures the effect of coaching on WPPSI-IV scores, so nobody can honestly promise a gain. What the tasks reward is ordinary play with pictures, blocks, puzzles and questions, and a rested, comfortable child is the best preparation. Retesting is a different matter: across cognitive tests generally, a second sitting raises scores by about a quarter of a standard deviation on average. For a home screener use our IQ test for ages 4 to 7, which is a screening tool and not the WPPSI-IV, and see our IQ test questions for kids for how child items work.

Quick answers

  • What does WPPSI-IV stand for? Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, Fourth Edition.
  • What is the WPPSI-IV age range? 2 years 6 months to 7 years 7 months, in two bands.
  • How many subtests does it have? 15 in all: 7 for ages 2:6 to 3:11 and 15 for ages 4:0 to 7:7.
  • What is a good WPPSI score? The mean is 100 and 90 to 109 is the Average band. There is no universal pass mark or gifted cutoff; programmes set their own.
  • How long does it take? About 30 to 45 minutes for the younger band and 45 to 60 minutes for the older band, core subtests only.
  • Can parents give it? No. It needs a trained examiner (level C).
  • Is there a WPPSI-V? We found no announcement of a fifth edition; Pearson still lists the WPPSI-IV.

The bottom line

The WPPSI-IV is a well-built individual test: 15 game-like subtests, two age bands, a Full Scale IQ and index scores normed on 1,700 children. Its composite is reliable in the short term, but an independent analysis suggests the general score deserves more trust than the index differences, and a confidence interval of about 12 points is a reminder that a score is a range. Read a report for the pattern, not for a single number, and leave the interpretation to the examiner who gave it.

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