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OLSAT Test

Scores & Scales

OLSAT Test: The Otis-Lennon School Ability Test Explained

The OLSAT test (Otis-Lennon School Ability Test) is a group-administered reasoning test scored on a School Ability Index with mean 100 and SD 16, best known for New York City Gifted and Talented admissions. See how it works, its history, and the NYC admissions cutoffs and controversy.

A single card shows the OLSAT at a glance: seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12, five reasoning clusters, and a School Ability Index scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16, wider than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15.

The OLSAT test, or Otis-Lennon School Ability Test, is a group-administered reasoning test used mainly for school placement and gifted-program admission in the United States, most visibly for New York City’s Gifted and Talented program. It reports a School Ability Index, or SAI, on a scale with a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16 — wider than the 15 used by the Wechsler scales and the current Stanford-Binet, which is why the same percentile prints a different number on each. This guide covers what OLSAT actually tests, how the SAI scale works, its history back to World War One-era army testing, how New York City has used and repeatedly changed its cutoffs, and how it compares with the CogAT and the NNAT.

  • What it measures: verbal comprehension, verbal reasoning, pictorial reasoning, figural reasoning and quantitative reasoning — a reasoning test, not a test of taught content.
  • Levels: the current eighth edition (OLSAT-8) has seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12.
  • Scale: the School Ability Index has a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16; a score of about 132 sits near the 97th to 98th percentile.
  • Format: group-administered, multiple choice, roughly 60 to 75 minutes including directions.
  • Best-known use: New York City Gifted and Talented admissions, historically alongside the NNAT.
A single card shows the OLSAT at a glance: seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12, five reasoning clusters, and a School Ability Index scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16, wider than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15.
A single card shows the OLSAT at a glance: seven levels, A through G, spanning kindergarten through grade 12, five reasoning clusters, and a School Ability Index scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16, wider than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15.

What is the OLSAT?

OLSAT stands for the Otis-Lennon School Ability Test. It is a group-administered test, given with paper and pencil or on a computer to a classroom at once, unlike the one-to-one clinical batteries covered in our guides to professional IQ tests, the Stanford-Binet and the WPPSI-IV. It is built to measure reasoning ability rather than what a student has been taught, which is the same distinction our guide to the Woodcock-Johnson draws between its cognitive and achievement batteries. Schools and districts use OLSAT results for gifted-program screening, placement decisions and, in some private schools, admission. A different kind of school-administered assessment, the international PISA survey, gets confused with an IQ test for a different reason; see our guide to PISA versus IQ tests.

A short history: from Army testing to the classroom

The test traces to Arthur S. Otis, who studied under Lewis Terman at Stanford in the years before World War One. Otis had been developing a group-administered, multiple-choice approach to mental testing, and his item-writing work fed into the Army Alpha, the test the US Army used to screen recruits in 1917 and 1918 — the same wartime testing effort covered in our piece on the eugenics era of IQ testing. After the war Otis published the Otis Group Intelligence Scale (1920) and the Otis Self-Administering Tests (1922) through World Book Company. The test later passed to Roger T. Lennon, who oversaw its growth and gave it the combined Otis-Lennon name. Ownership of the current edition changed hands again in February 2022, when Pearson transferred OLSAT-8 to Multi-Health Systems (MHS) as part of a wider product transfer.

What the OLSAT actually tests

The OLSAT is organised around five reasoning clusters: verbal comprehension, verbal reasoning, pictorial reasoning, figural reasoning and quantitative reasoning. In practice this means analogies (both worded and picture-based), figural series that ask a child to continue a visual pattern, and classification items that ask which picture or word does not belong. Younger levels lean on pictures and symbols for children who cannot yet read fluently; older levels shift toward printed words and numbers. Nothing on the test asks a student to recall a taught fact, which is the point of calling it an ability test rather than an achievement test.

The School Ability Index: mean 100, SD 16

OLSAT results are reported as a School Ability Index (SAI), scaled to a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16. That is a different scale from the Wechsler tests and the current Stanford-Binet 5, both of which use a standard deviation of 15; our news piece on standard deviation 15 versus 16 explains why the same percentile prints a different raw number depending on which scale a test uses. A commonly cited reference point: an SAI of about 132 sits near the 97th to 98th percentile, which is why 132 shows up repeatedly in gifted-admission cutoffs built around the OLSAT.

OLSAT SAI reference points (School Ability Index, mean 100, SD 16)
SAI score Approximate percentile
116 84th (about +1 SD)
132 97th to 98th (about +2 SD)
148 99.9th (about +3 SD)

These are reference points on the SAI’s own scale, not a conversion to a Wechsler or Stanford-Binet number; see Mensa IQ score requirements for how a single percentile requirement is expressed differently across several named tests.

New York City Gifted and Talented: a moving target

The OLSAT’s highest-profile use is New York City’s Gifted and Talented (G&T) admissions process, and the city’s cutoffs and methods have changed repeatedly. For years, admission combined the OLSAT with the Naglieri Nonverbal Ability Test (NNAT), which reportedly replaced an earlier school-readiness screener as the nonverbal component around 2012. Through the 2010s, a combined percentile of about the 90th typically qualified a child for a district gifted program, and about the 97th for one of the five citywide or specialized gifted schools.

New York City kindergarten Gifted and Talented admissions, a timeline
Period Method
Through 2020-21 OLSAT plus NNAT; roughly 90th percentile for a district program, roughly 97th for a citywide school
2021 Mayor de Blasio proposed eliminating the gifted track entirely; not enacted before he left office
2022-23 Mayor Adams shifted district-level screening toward teacher and family nominations
2023 An admissions lottery open to children rated “4” (the top rating) on early-childhood assessments
2024 The lottery expanded to include children rated “3” as well as “4”
2025 Gifted admission folded into the single general kindergarten application
Proposed for fall 2027 Mayor Mamdani has proposed ending kindergarten-entry gifted admission altogether; about 68% of surveyed parents opposed the idea in a February 2026 poll

Two things are worth separating here. First, a single test score deciding a 4- or 5-year-old’s school track drew sustained criticism on equity grounds: in the last year the old system ran in full, only about 12% of kindergarten gifted seats went to Black or Latino students in a school system where those groups make up a much larger share of enrollment. Second, the Mamdani proposal is exactly that, a proposal, not a decided policy; if you are evaluating a specific school year’s admissions process, confirm the current method directly with the NYC Department of Education rather than relying on any single year’s description, including this one.

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Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

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Does the OLSAT predict other test scores?

An older but still-cited study gave both the OLSAT and the WISC-R to 431 students referred for evaluation in Alabama and found the two correlated significantly for most groups — but not for the group of students already identified as gifted, where the relationship weakened. The same study reported evidence of predictive bias by race in how OLSAT scores related to outcomes, an equity concern in the same territory covered by our guide to cultural bias in IQ tests. Two patterns follow from findings like this: a screening test’s accuracy can be worse at the extreme scores that matter most for gifted selection, and a group-administered reasoning test is not interchangeable with an individually administered clinical battery even when both report a reasoning-based score.

OLSAT versus CogAT versus NNAT

Three group-administered school ability tests
Test Format
OLSAT Blends verbal and nonverbal reasoning in one combined score (the SAI).
CogAT (Cognitive Abilities Test) Three separate batteries: verbal, quantitative and nonverbal, each scored on its own.
NNAT (Naglieri Nonverbal Ability Test) Fully nonverbal and figural; designed to reduce the effect of language and educational background.

Districts pick among these partly on what they want to measure and partly on cost and testing time; some, like New York City historically, use two of them together to cover both a verbal-inclusive score and a purely nonverbal one. Our news piece on CogAT and NNAT scores explained covers the other two in more detail, and IQ test questions for kids covers the item types children encounter across all three.

Quick answers

  • What does OLSAT stand for? Otis-Lennon School Ability Test.
  • What is a good OLSAT score? The SAI has a mean of 100. Scores used for gifted admission commonly sit around 128 to 132, roughly the 97th to 98th percentile.
  • Is the OLSAT an IQ test? It is a school-ability reasoning test that behaves like one, reported on a mean-100 scale, but it is group-administered rather than the individually administered format of a clinical IQ test.
  • What age or grade is the OLSAT for? The current edition, OLSAT-8, spans seven levels from kindergarten through grade 12.
  • Who publishes the OLSAT now? Pearson published earlier editions; ownership of OLSAT-8 passed to Multi-Health Systems (MHS) in February 2022.
  • Does New York City still use the OLSAT for Gifted and Talented? The city has changed its admissions method several times since 2021 and, as of early 2026, a further change is proposed for 2027. Confirm the current year’s method directly with the NYC DOE.

The bottom line

The OLSAT is a group-administered reasoning test, not a taught-content achievement test, scored on a School Ability Index with a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 16 — a full point wider per step than the Wechsler and Stanford-Binet 5 scale of 15. It descends from Arthur Otis’s World War One-era testing work, and its highest-profile modern use, New York City’s Gifted and Talented admissions, has changed method almost every year since 2021. Read any single score, especially one near a gifted-program cutoff, as one data point rather than a verdict.

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Tagged gifted admissions test, group iq test, intelligence research, IQ Science, nyc gifted and talented test, olsat 8, olsat percentile, olsat scores, olsat test, olsat vs cogat, olsat vs nnat, otis-lennon school ability test, school ability index, school ability test

Does COVID Lower IQ?

Research & Evidence

Does COVID Lower IQ? What the Largest Studies Found

Does COVID lower IQ? The largest study found a cognitive-test gap of about 3 IQ points after resolved COVID, 6 with unresolved symptoms and 9 after intensive care. See what that measures, what other studies add, and why it is not an IQ test.

Four bars show cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none: about 3.5 IQ points when symptoms had resolved, in under 4 weeks or after 12 weeks or more, 6.3 when symptoms were unresolved after 12 weeks, and 9.5 after intensive care. The tasks were a cognitive battery, not an IQ test.

Does COVID lower IQ? On average, slightly, according to the largest study so far. An English study of 112,964 adults found a cognitive-test gap equivalent to about 3 IQ points after a COVID-19 infection that had cleared, about 6 points for people whose symptoms were still unresolved after 12 weeks and about 9 points for people who had been treated in intensive care. Those figures describe group averages on an online cognitive battery, not on IQ tests, and nobody was tested before infection, so they show an association rather than a measured loss. This guide explains what was measured, what other studies add, whether the gap fades, and what to do if you notice brain fog.

  • Largest study: 112,964 adults in England completed eight online cognitive tasks (Hampshire and colleagues, New England Journal of Medicine, 2024).
  • Size of the gap: 0.23 to 0.24 standard deviations after COVID that had cleared (about 3 IQ points), 0.42 with unresolved symptoms (about 6) and 0.63 after intensive care (about 9).
  • Not an IQ test: the researchers converted standard-deviation gaps into IQ points for comparison; they did not give an IQ test.
  • No baseline: nobody was tested before infection, so the study cannot show that anyone lost points.
Four bars show cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none: about 3.5 IQ points when symptoms had resolved, in under 4 weeks or after 12 weeks or more, 6.3 when symptoms were unresolved after 12 weeks, and 9.5 after intensive care. The tasks were a cognitive battery, not an IQ test.
Four bars show cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none: about 3.5 IQ points when symptoms had resolved, in under 4 weeks or after 12 weeks or more, 6.3 when symptoms were unresolved after 12 weeks, and 9.5 after intensive care. The tasks were a cognitive battery, not an IQ test.

What the largest study measured

The study, published in February 2024, drew on the REACT programme in England. The researchers invited 800,000 adults to take an online assessment; 141,583 started it and 112,964 completed all eight tasks, about 14% of those invited (our arithmetic). Each person’s results were combined into a global cognitive score, adjusted for demographics and pre-existing health conditions, and each group was compared with a no-COVID group of people who had not been infected or whose infection was unconfirmed.

Three findings stand out. People whose symptoms resolved in under 4 weeks and people whose symptoms resolved after 12 weeks or more showed similar small deficits (0.23 and 0.24 standard deviations below the no-COVID group). People with unresolved persistent symptoms showed a larger one (0.42). And deficits were larger for infections in the original-virus and Alpha periods than in later ones (0.17 standard deviations larger) and for people who had been hospitalised (intensive care: 0.35 below non-hospitalised cases). Among people with unresolved symptoms, memory, reasoning and executive-function tasks showed the biggest gaps (0.20 to 0.33), and those tasks correlated only weakly with recent symptoms such as poor memory and brain fog.

What the gap means in IQ points

The authors described a gap of about 0.2 standard deviations for resolved mild cases as small by conventional effect-size labels, equal to about 3 points on a standard 15-point IQ scale, and put the intensive-care gap of 0.63 standard deviations at about 9 points. Multiplying each gap by 15 gives the rest. The Cognitron tasks are not an IQ test, and an earlier paper from the same group describes that kind of online battery as not an IQ test in the classic sense. The conversion is a way to picture a small statistical difference, and it assumes a standard deviation of 15 points.

Cognitive-test gaps after COVID-19 compared with people who had none (Hampshire and colleagues, 2024)
Group Gap (SD) IQ points (SD x 15) Average person ranks at
Symptoms resolved in under 4 weeks 0.23 3.5 41st percentile
Symptoms resolved after 12 weeks or more 0.24 3.6 41st percentile
Symptoms unresolved after 12 weeks 0.42 6.3 34th percentile
Treated in intensive care 0.63 9.5 26th percentile

The IQ-point and percentile columns are our conversions (the authors round to about 3 and about 9). Read the last column as a picture of overlap. A gap of 0.23 standard deviations moves the average person in the COVID group from the 50th percentile to about the 41st percentile of the no-COVID group, and the groups overlap heavily: pick one person from each at random and the person from the COVID group scores lower only about 56% of the time. For one person, a 3-point gap is also about the size of the 2 to 3 point standard error of an IQ score, explained in our piece on the margin of error in an IQ score, and a little smaller than the roughly 4-point gain a second sitting of the same test typically brings from practice alone.

Long COVID and brain fog: how common are they?

The UK Office for National Statistics estimated that 2.0 million people in private households (3.1% of the population) were experiencing self-reported long COVID, meaning symptoms lasting more than four weeks that were not explained by something else, as of 2 January 2023. Fatigue was the most common symptom (71%), followed by difficulty concentrating (52%). The NHS lists problems with memory and concentration, also called brain fog, among the common symptoms of long COVID.

A meta-analysis of 43 studies of people at least 12 weeks after diagnosis put the pooled proportion with cognitive impairment at 0.22 (95% confidence interval 0.17 to 0.28). The studies varied enormously (I-squared 98%) and were searched only to June 2021 (Ceban and colleagues, 2022), so treat the figure as a rough signal of how often cognitive problems are found rather than a rate for today.

What other studies add

  • 81,337 people tested in 2020. The same group’s earlier study found deficits in people who had recovered, largest for those who had been ventilated: 0.47 standard deviations, about 7 IQ points by the authors’ comparison. They set that beside the average 10-year decline in the same data between ages 20 and 70, and beside the deficits of people who reported a stroke (0.24, 480 people) or learning disabilities (0.38, 998 people).
  • Brain scans before and after. Douaud and colleagues (Nature, 2022) re-scanned 785 UK Biobank participants aged 51 to 81; 401 had tested positive between scans, 141 days before the second scan on average. Infected people showed a greater reduction in grey-matter thickness in two regions, a greater reduction in global brain size and a greater cognitive decline, and the effects remained after excluding the 15 who had been hospitalised.
  • A pre-pandemic baseline, older adults. Demmer and colleagues (JAMA Network Open, 2025) followed 3,525 people with a mean age of 80.8 who had cognitive tests before the pandemic. Cognition declined faster after infection in people who had been hospitalised, in memory and executive function but not language, and not in infected people who were not hospitalised.
  • A small counter-example. Daher and colleagues (2025) followed 110 adults (median age 45) who had a cognitive test before infection and a second one about a year later; 55 caught COVID in between. They found no statistically significant difference in overall cognitive scores between those who did and did not.

Does the gap fade? What we know about recovery

The evidence is mixed and mostly short-term. In the largest study, people whose persistent symptoms had resolved scored much like people with shorter illnesses, and the authors concluded that the longer-term persistence of cognitive deficits and any clinical implications remain uncertain. The association with early infection weakened after adjusting for markers of illness severity, and the deficits were smaller for later variants. In the study with baseline scores, only hospitalised infection was linked to faster decline. The fair summary is a small average gap in cross-sectional data, larger with severe illness, unresolved symptoms and early variants, and follow-up with baselines that is still thin.

Your own number

Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

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What about babies and children?

The pandemic-era studies of young children measure development, not IQ, and they try to separate infection from the pandemic environment. In a New York study of 255 infants, maternal infection during pregnancy was not associated with differences on any Ages & Stages Questionnaire subdomain at 6 months, but infants born during the pandemic scored lower on gross motor skills (a mean difference of 5.63 points) than a historical group of 62 born before it (Shuffrey and colleagues, 2022). A meta-analysis of 8 studies and 21,419 infants found that overall neurodevelopment in the first year was not changed by being born or raised during the pandemic or by exposure in the womb, although communication delay was more likely (odds ratio 1.70; Hessami and colleagues, 2022).

Neither used an IQ test. Our guide to the baby IQ test explains why no valid IQ score exists before age 2 years 6 months, the WPPSI-IV guide covers the first true preschool IQ test, and IQ testing for children covers the rest. Falling school test scores after the pandemic are a separate matter: see why falling reading scores are not falling IQ.

How to read a headline that says COVID lowers IQ

  • Group average, not you. A small average gap leaves the two groups overlapping heavily and says nothing certain about any one person.
  • No before-and-after. The largest study had no pre-infection scores. Its authors say they could not assess change and could not infer causality from observational data.
  • A self-selected online sample. About 14% of those invited completed the tasks, and the authors note that a study requiring active participation has some self-selection bias.
  • A battery, not an IQ test. The IQ-point figures are a translation of standard-deviation gaps.
  • Infection and pandemic are tangled. An accompanying editorial asked what a 3-point loss means in daily functioning and how to separate infection from pandemic effects such as isolation, grief and trauma.

If you notice memory or thinking problems after COVID

Brain fog after COVID is recognised enough that the NHS lists it as a long COVID symptom and advises seeing a GP if you think you might have long COVID. A consumer IQ test is the wrong tool: it has no baseline for you, its score moves by a few points between sittings, and fatigue, poor sleep, stress and low mood also lower performance (see sleep and IQ and how sleep loss changes test scores). Other temporary dips are documented too, for example in menopause and with hearing loss. Clinicians use screening tools such as the MoCA and, where needed, a full neuropsychological assessment; our guide to whether an IQ test can detect dementia explains the difference between screening and IQ testing. If you have an earlier score from an individually administered test such as the Stanford-Binet, a psychologist can use it as a baseline; see also what retesting shows about IQ change.

Quick answers

  • Does COVID lower IQ? On average, slightly: the largest study found gaps of about 3 IQ points after resolved COVID, 6 with unresolved symptoms and 9 after intensive care, on a cognitive battery rather than an IQ test.
  • How many IQ points does long COVID cost? About 6 points on average in the largest study (0.42 standard deviations times 15), with wide overlap between people.
  • Is COVID brain fog permanent? Not established. Small average gaps were found even after recovery, but longer-term persistence and clinical importance remain uncertain.
  • Does mild COVID affect thinking? The largest study found a small gap; a study with pre-pandemic baselines found faster decline only after hospitalisation.
  • Can an IQ test detect COVID brain fog? Not reliably: it has no personal baseline and its score varies by a few points between sittings. See a GP if you are worried.

The bottom line

COVID-19 is associated with a small average drop on cognitive tests, larger with long-lasting symptoms and severe illness. The 3, 6 and 9 IQ-point figures are conversions of standard-deviation gaps from an online battery, taken with no pre-infection scores and from a self-selected sample, so they describe groups and leave the long-term picture open. If your own thinking has changed, the useful step is a conversation with a clinician, not an online score.

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WPPSI-IV Test

Scores & Scales

WPPSI-IV Test: Age Range, Subtests and Scores Explained

The WPPSI-IV test covers ages 2:6 to 7:7 in two bands, with 15 subtests, five index scores and a Full Scale IQ. See what each subtest asks, how a published sample report reads, how the score labels work, and what a preschool score can and cannot tell parents.

Two panels show the WPPSI-IV age bands. Ages 2 years 6 months to 3 years 11 months get three index scores (verbal comprehension, visual spatial, working memory); ages 4 years to 7 years 7 months get five (adding fluid reasoning and processing speed). Each band also gets a Full Scale IQ.

The WPPSI-IV test (Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, Fourth Edition) is an individually given intelligence test for children aged 2 years 6 months to 7 years 7 months. It comes in two age bands, with 7 subtests for ages 2:6 to 3:11 and 15 for ages 4:0 to 7:7, and reports a Full Scale IQ plus index scores on a scale with a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15. Published by Pearson in 2012 and normed on 1,700 children, it is used to evaluate developmental delay, disability and giftedness and, Pearson notes, private-school admission. This guide covers the age bands, the subtests, how to read a report, the score labels, reliability, and what a preschool score can and cannot tell you.

  • Ages: 2:6 to 7:7, in two bands: 2:6 to 3:11 and 4:0 to 7:7.
  • Subtests: 7 in the younger band and 15 in the older; the 2012 edition dropped four WPPSI-III subtests and added five.
  • Scores: a Full Scale IQ, three (younger) or five (older) primary index scores, and optional ancillary indexes.
  • Norms: 1,700 children (600 in the younger band, 1,100 in the older), matched to US census data.
  • Time: 30 to 45 minutes (younger) or 45 to 60 minutes (older) for the core subtests.
  • Who gives it: a trained examiner (Pearson qualification level C). There is no version a parent can give at home.
Two panels show the WPPSI-IV age bands. Ages 2 years 6 months to 3 years 11 months get three index scores (verbal comprehension, visual spatial, working memory); ages 4 years to 7 years 7 months get five (adding fluid reasoning and processing speed). Each band also gets a Full Scale IQ.
Two panels show the WPPSI-IV age bands. Ages 2 years 6 months to 3 years 11 months get three index scores (verbal comprehension, visual spatial, working memory); ages 4 years to 7 years 7 months get five (adding fluid reasoning and processing speed). Each band also gets a Full Scale IQ.

What is the WPPSI-IV?

The WPPSI is the youngest member of the Wechsler family: the WPPSI covers preschool and early school ages, the WISC covers school age (see WISC-V index scores) and the WAIS covers adults (see WAIS index scores). Pearson lists its uses as identifying and qualifying children with cognitive delays for special services, evaluating children for cognitive delays, intellectual disabilities, autism and giftedness, and determining admittance eligibility for private schools. Another individually given battery that starts at age 2 is the Stanford-Binet; see also IQ testing for children and why babies cannot be given an IQ score.

The fourth edition was a substantial revision of the WPPSI-III. Four subtests were dropped (Word Reasoning, Picture Completion, Symbol Search and Coding) and five were added (Picture Memory, Zoo Locations, Bug Search, Cancellation and Animal Coding), according to the Buros review of the test. The publisher says it added a working-memory composite, new measures of processing speed and separate visual-spatial and fluid-reasoning composites for ages 4:0 to 7:7, and it extended the age range up to 7 years 7 months.

WPPSI-IV age range and age bands

The two WPPSI-IV age bands
Feature Ages 2:6 to 3:11 Ages 4:0 to 7:7
Subtests 7 15
Primary index scores Verbal Comprehension, Visual Spatial, Working Memory Verbal Comprehension, Visual Spatial, Fluid Reasoning, Working Memory, Processing Speed
Full Scale IQ Yes Yes
Norm sample 600 children 1,100 children
Core testing time 30 to 45 minutes 45 to 60 minutes

Ages are written years:months, so 2:6 means 2 years 6 months. The boundary matters because the younger band has no Fluid Reasoning or Processing Speed index: a child tested at 3:10 gets three index scores, and the same child tested three months later gets five. The upper limit of 7:7 overlaps the WISC-V, which starts at 6:0; see the section on choosing between them below.

The WPPSI-IV subtests

Primary index subtests by age band
Index Ages 2:6 to 3:11 Ages 4:0 to 7:7
Verbal Comprehension (VCI) Receptive Vocabulary, Information (Picture Naming supplemental) Information, Similarities (Vocabulary and Comprehension supplemental)
Visual Spatial (VSI) Block Design, Object Assembly Block Design, Object Assembly
Fluid Reasoning (FRI) Not reported Matrix Reasoning, Picture Concepts
Working Memory (WMI) Picture Memory, Zoo Locations Picture Memory, Zoo Locations
Processing Speed (PSI) Not reported Bug Search, Cancellation (Animal Coding supplemental)

Pearson’s published sample report describes what a child does on the older-band tasks:

  • Block Design: view designs and use blocks to re-create each one.
  • Object Assembly: put together the pieces of puzzles to make pictures of common objects.
  • Information: answer general knowledge questions.
  • Similarities: say how two common objects or ideas are alike.
  • Matrix Reasoning: pick the missing piece of an incomplete pattern.
  • Picture Concepts: choose pictures from two or three rows that share a trait.
  • Picture Memory: memorise pictures and find them on later pages.
  • Zoo Locations: memorise where animal cards sit on a map, then place the cards there.
  • Bug Search and Cancellation: scan pictures and mark the ones that match a target.

One point surprises parents: the Full Scale IQ is not simply built from every index. In the sample report for the older band, the Full Scale IQ is derived from six subtests (Information, Similarities, Block Design, Matrix Reasoning, Picture Memory and Bug Search), and the authors of a standard guide note that a subtest that is core for an index is not necessarily core for the Full Scale IQ. So the Full Scale IQ is not an average of the five index scores.

How WPPSI-IV scores work

Subtest scores are scaled scores with a mean of 10 and a standard deviation of 3, from 1 to 19; scores between 7 and 12 are usually considered average. Composite scores, the Full Scale IQ and the index scores, have a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15, and an index score can range from 40 to 160. Pearson’s sample report treats 90 to 109 as average. A report also gives a percentile rank, a 95% confidence interval and a descriptive label for each composite. Here is the composite table from Pearson’s sample report for a fictional child:

Composite scores in Pearson’s sample WPPSI-IV interpretive report (older band)
Composite Score Percentile 95% confidence interval Label
Verbal Comprehension 90 25 84 to 97 Average
Visual Spatial 118 88 107 to 125 High Average
Fluid Reasoning 106 66 98 to 113 Average
Working Memory 103 58 95 to 111 Average
Processing Speed 94 34 85 to 104 Average
Full Scale IQ 99 47 93 to 105 Average

Three things stand out. The Visual Spatial score is 28 points above Verbal Comprehension, which is the kind of uneven profile the index scores exist to show. The Full Scale IQ of 99 has a 95% confidence interval 12 points wide, so it is a range and not a point; our note on the margin of error in an IQ score explains why. And the labels follow the score bands: 90 to 109 is Average and 110 to 119 is High Average. Test-prep summaries list Superior for 120 to 129 and Very Superior for 130 and above; check the labels printed in your child’s own report, because publishers draw the bands differently. You can convert any score to a percentile with the IQ percentile calculator.

There are also four optional ancillary indexes: the Vocabulary Acquisition Index (receptive vocabulary and picture naming), the Nonverbal Index (subtests that need no spoken response, useful for English language learners, deaf or hard-of-hearing children and children with suspected language or autism spectrum conditions), the General Ability Index (less reliant on working memory and processing speed) and the Cognitive Proficiency Index (working memory and processing speed, older band only). In the sample report the General Ability Index is 108, nine points above the Full Scale IQ of 99, because the child’s weaker working-memory and processing-speed results count less in it; our news piece on full-scale IQ versus index scores covers how to read differences like that.

How reliable is the WPPSI-IV?

Internal-consistency reliability is high for the composite: .96 overall for the Full Scale IQ, with a range of .95 to .96 across the age groups, and from .86 for Processing Speed to .94 for Verbal Comprehension across the primary indexes overall (Raiford and Coalson, 2014). In a retest of 172 children after 7 to 48 days (23 on average), uncorrected stability was .88 for the Full Scale IQ and .78 to .88 for the index scores (Buros review). Those are short-term figures. Retesting the same child soon raises the score a little through familiarity; see our piece on what practice changes on a cognitive test.

Independent analysis adds a caution. Watkins and Beaujean (2014) tested a bifactor model on the normative sample and found that the general factor accounted for more variance in every subtest than its domain-specific factor, and that the domain-specific factors had poor reliability independent of it (coefficients of 0.05 to 0.33). Their conclusion was that only the general intelligence dimension was robust and precise enough for clinical use. In practice that means the Full Scale IQ deserves more weight than any single index difference.

The publisher says the subtests have improved floors and ceilings that allow more accurate measurement at the extremes of ability. We could not find an independent test of how well that holds for very young or very gifted children, so treat the claim as the publisher’s.

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WPPSI-IV or WISC-V at ages 6 and 7?

Between 6:0 and 7:7 a clinician can choose either test. A Finnish study compared Swedish versions in typically developing children aged 6:1 to 7:2, 38 tested with the WPPSI-IV and 24 with the WISC-V, in a between-subjects design. The WISC-V group scored significantly lower on Verbal Comprehension, Fluid Reasoning and the Full Scale IQ, and the authors concluded that the two tests produce partly different cognitive profiles (Salonen and colleagues, 2023). The samples were small, but the practical point stands: a WPPSI-IV score at 7 and a WISC-V score a year later come from different instruments, so small differences between them should not be over-read.

Gifted testing and the WPPSI-IV

No single WPPSI-IV score qualifies a child as gifted everywhere: schools, gifted programmes and private schools set their own rules, and one may focus on the Full Scale IQ while another looks at particular indexes. American Mensa, for example, accepts a Wechsler Full Scale IQ of 130 (the WPPSI-IV is on its list), provided the test was given in its entirety by a neutral, qualified third party. Our guides to gifted cutoff scores and the signs of a gifted child cover the rest, and the news pieces on CogAT and NNAT scores and universal screening cover group tests. Any preschool score is a snapshot with a margin of error: see what retesting shows about IQ change and the margin of error.

Can you prepare a child, or take the WPPSI-IV at home?

The WPPSI-IV is a paper-and-pencil kit sold at qualification level C, scored by hand or on Pearson’s Q-global platform, so it cannot be given at home or online. We found no study that measures the effect of coaching on WPPSI-IV scores, so nobody can honestly promise a gain. What the tasks reward is ordinary play with pictures, blocks, puzzles and questions, and a rested, comfortable child is the best preparation. Retesting is a different matter: across cognitive tests generally, a second sitting raises scores by about a quarter of a standard deviation on average. For a home screener use our IQ test for ages 4 to 7, which is a screening tool and not the WPPSI-IV, and see our IQ test questions for kids for how child items work.

Quick answers

  • What does WPPSI-IV stand for? Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, Fourth Edition.
  • What is the WPPSI-IV age range? 2 years 6 months to 7 years 7 months, in two bands.
  • How many subtests does it have? 15 in all: 7 for ages 2:6 to 3:11 and 15 for ages 4:0 to 7:7.
  • What is a good WPPSI score? The mean is 100 and 90 to 109 is the Average band. There is no universal pass mark or gifted cutoff; programmes set their own.
  • How long does it take? About 30 to 45 minutes for the younger band and 45 to 60 minutes for the older band, core subtests only.
  • Can parents give it? No. It needs a trained examiner (level C).
  • Is there a WPPSI-V? We found no announcement of a fifth edition; Pearson still lists the WPPSI-IV.

The bottom line

The WPPSI-IV is a well-built individual test: 15 game-like subtests, two age bands, a Full Scale IQ and index scores normed on 1,700 children. Its composite is reliable in the short term, but an independent analysis suggests the general score deserves more trust than the index differences, and a confidence interval of about 12 points is a reminder that a score is a range. Read a report for the pattern, not for a single number, and leave the interpretation to the examiner who gave it.

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Stanford-Binet IQ Test

Scores & Scales

Stanford-Binet IQ Test (SB5): Scores, Subtests and Age Range

The Stanford-Binet IQ test (SB5) covers ages 2 to 85+ with ten subtests, a mean of 100 and SD 15. See its history, how scores and labels work, why older forms used SD 16, how it differs from the Wechsler tests and which societies accept it.

A grid of the ten Stanford-Binet subtests: five factors (fluid reasoning, knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing and working memory), each measured once with nonverbal tasks and once with verbal tasks.

The Stanford-Binet IQ test, formally the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition (SB5), is an individually administered intelligence test for ages 2 to 85 and over, written by Gale Roid and published in 2003. It has ten subtests: a verbal and a nonverbal test for each of five factors (fluid reasoning, knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing and working memory). Scores use a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15, so an SB5 result reads on the same scale as a Wechsler score. This guide covers the history from Binet’s 1905 scale, the ten subtests, how scores and labels work, the older standard deviation of 16 and what it does to a printed number, how the SB5 compares with the Wechsler tests, which high-IQ societies accept it, and its limits.

  • Ages: 2 to 85+ in a single battery.
  • Structure: ten subtests; Full Scale, Nonverbal, Verbal and Abbreviated Battery IQs plus five factor indexes.
  • Norms: 4,800 people, matched to US Census figures for 2000.
  • Scale: IQ mean 100, standard deviation 15 (subtests: 10 and 3). Older forms used 16.
  • Range: an Extended IQ scale supports scores below 40 and above 160, up to 225.
  • Time: about 50 minutes for all ten subtests, one to one with a trained examiner.
A grid of the ten Stanford-Binet subtests: five factors (fluid reasoning, knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing and working memory), each measured once with nonverbal tasks and once with verbal tasks.
A grid of the ten Stanford-Binet subtests: five factors (fluid reasoning, knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing and working memory), each measured once with nonverbal tasks and once with verbal tasks.

What is the Stanford-Binet test?

The name joins two people. Alfred Binet, a French psychologist, built the first practical intelligence scale with Théodore Simon in 1905. Lewis Terman, at Stanford University, revised it for American children in 1916, and the Stanford-Binet has been revised several times since. The current edition is the SB5. It is sold by PRO-ED as an individually administered kit at test level C, which limits it to trained examiners, and it is used in clinical, school and gifted evaluations. Our overview of professional IQ tests places it beside the Wechsler and Woodcock-Johnson families; the Woodcock-Johnson guide and the news explainers on WAIS index scores and WISC-V index scores cover the other main batteries.

A short history: from Binet to the SB5

Milestones in the Stanford-Binet family
Year Milestone
1905 Binet and Simon publish the first practical intelligence scale in France, revised in 1908 and 1911.
1912 William Stern proposes expressing intelligence as a quotient of mental age and chronological age.
1916 Terman publishes the Stanford revision of the Binet-Simon scale: the first Stanford-Binet.
1937 Terman and Merrill publish a revision in two parallel forms, L and M.
1960 A combined Form L-M brings in deviation IQ scores.
1986 The fourth edition (SB-IV), by Thorndike, Hagen and Sattler.
2003 The fifth edition (SB5), by Gale Roid, published by Riverside and now sold by PRO-ED.
Now PRO-ED’s norming-studies page lists a Sixth Edition (SB-6) for ages 3 to 90 in a normative study; that page gives no release date.

Two threads run through the table. The scoring moved from Stern’s ratio to a deviation score, a change explained in our news piece on deviation IQ versus ratio IQ and in IQ and mental age. And Terman used the test to select the children for his long-running study of the gifted: by 1928 he had 1,528 participants, found through the Stanford-Binet and school recommendations, as Stanford magazine has described. How that study is remembered, and its cut-off, is covered in our guides to an IQ of 135 and the eugenics era of IQ testing; the wider story is in the history of intelligence testing.

The ten SB5 subtests

Every one of the five factors is measured twice, once with little or no spoken response and once with language. Two routing subtests, Object Series/Matrices and Vocabulary, come first; together they form the Abbreviated Battery IQ, a quick estimate of fluid reasoning and crystallised knowledge. The tasks inside a subtest change with the examinee’s level, which is why several rows below list more than one name.

The SB5 subtests by factor
Factor Nonverbal subtest Verbal subtest
Fluid reasoning Object Series/Matrices Early Reasoning, Verbal Absurdities, Verbal Analogies
Knowledge Procedural Knowledge, Picture Absurdities Vocabulary
Quantitative reasoning Nonverbal Quantitative Reasoning Verbal Quantitative Reasoning
Visual-spatial processing Form Board and Form Patterns Position and Direction
Working memory Delayed Response, Block Span Memory for Sentences, Last Word

The five factors map onto the model that most modern batteries share; see our news piece on CHC theory. The nonverbal half is not an add-on: the Nonverbal IQ is built from the five nonverbal subtests and can be used with deaf or hard-of-hearing examinees and with people who have communication disorders, autism or a limited English-language background, according to the publisher’s scoring guide.

How SB5 scores work

The SB5 score types
Score Built from Scale
Full Scale IQ All ten subtests Mean 100, SD 15
Nonverbal IQ The five nonverbal subtests Mean 100, SD 15
Verbal IQ The five verbal subtests Mean 100, SD 15
Abbreviated Battery IQ The two routing subtests Mean 100, SD 15
Five factor indexes Verbal and nonverbal subtests for one factor Mean 100, SD 15
Subtest scaled scores One subtest Mean 10, SD 3
Extended IQ (EXIQ) Extended norms for very low and very high performance Below 40 down to 10; above 160 up to 225

The scoring software also produces change-sensitive scores and age equivalents, which help track progress over time. Scores above 160 come from the extended scale, and our news piece on why scores stop near 160 explains why any test loses precision that high.

Publishers print descriptive labels next to the numbers. The bands below are those reported for the SB5 in Kaufman (2009) and Sattler (2008); check the chart printed with your own report, because other tests draw the bands differently. The percentiles are ours, read from a normal curve with a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15, and you can check any score with the IQ percentile calculator.

SB5 score labels with the percentile at the lower edge of each band
IQ range Label Percentile at the lower edge
145 to 160 Very gifted or highly advanced 99.9th
130 to 144 Gifted or very advanced 97.7th
120 to 129 Superior 90.9th
110 to 119 High average 74.8th
90 to 109 Average 25.3rd
80 to 89 Low average 9.1st
70 to 79 Borderline impaired or delayed 2.3rd
55 to 69 Mildly impaired or delayed 0.1st
40 to 54 Moderately impaired or delayed 0.003rd

Standard deviation 16 versus 15: what changed

The SB5 reports IQ on a scale with a standard deviation of 15, the same as the Wechsler tests. Form L-M and the fourth edition used 16. The difference does not change where a person stands, but it changes the printed number: the same performance that earns 130 on an SB5 earns 132 on the older forms. That is why American Mensa lists a qualifying score of 132 for the Stanford-Binet and 130 for the Stanford-Binet 5. A score printed under the old scale converts by z-score: subtract 100, multiply by 15 and divide by 16, then add 100.

Old standard deviation 16 scores on the SB5 scale (same standing; our arithmetic)
Score on the old SD 16 scale Same standing on SD 15 Percentile
84 85 15.9th
100 100 50th
116 115 84.1st
132 130 97.7th
148 145 99.9th
164 160 99.997th

Our news piece on standard deviation 15 versus 16 explains why one percentile carries several numbers, and the IQ score converter does the conversion for you.

How reliable and valid is the Stanford-Binet?

The publisher reports average internal-consistency reliabilities of .95 to .98 for the Full Scale, Nonverbal and Verbal IQs, .90 to .92 for the five factor indexes and .84 to .89 for the ten subtests. Validity data were gathered against the SB-IV, Form L-M, the Woodcock-Johnson III, the UNIT, the Bender-Gestalt II, the WPPSI-R, the WAIS-III, the WIAT-II and the WISC-III. High reliability still leaves a margin of error of a few points; see the margin of error in an IQ score.

An independent comparison shows what agreement between batteries looks like in practice. In 40 young people aged 10 to 16 with autism, corresponding SB5 and WISC-IV scores correlated .78 to .88, yet the Full Scale IQs still differed: most participants scored higher on the SB5, with 14% scoring more than one standard deviation higher, and verbal-nonverbal discrepancy classifications matched for only 60% (Baum and colleagues, 2015). Two good tests can agree on the broad picture and still disagree by several points.

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Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

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Stanford-Binet versus the Wechsler scales

Where the SB5 differs from the Wechsler batteries
Feature Stanford-Binet 5 Wechsler batteries
Ages 2 to 85+ in one instrument Separate batteries: WPPSI-IV (2:6 to 7:7), WISC-V (6 to 16), WAIS (16 to 90)
Design Five factors, each measured verbally and nonverbally Index scores by domain; a separate Nonverbal index is ancillary
Norms 4,800 people, 2000 US Census WPPSI-IV: 1,700 children, 2010 US Census
Scale SD 15 (older forms 16) SD 15
Top of the range Extended IQ scale up to 225 Composites reported to 160 (see the ceiling article)

The practical draw of the SB5 is a single instrument across the lifespan and a Nonverbal IQ that is a full scale in its own right; the practical draw of the Wechsler batteries is familiarity and, for the preschool version, newer norms. Our guide to the WPPSI-IV covers the Wechsler preschool scale in detail.

Who uses the Stanford-Binet, and for what?

The publisher describes the SB5 as useful for assessing English-language learners, deaf and hard-of-hearing examinees and autistic people, with extensive high-end items for gifted performance and improved low-end items for low functioning. Under the US disability law, the publisher notes, it provides a profile of strengths and weaknesses for children and adults with learning difficulties. Its high ceiling is why it appears in gifted testing (see gifted cutoff scores) and why several high-IQ societies accept it.

Society score requirements for the Stanford-Binet
Society and test Qualifying score
American Mensa, Stanford-Binet 5 130
American Mensa, older Stanford-Binet 132
Triple Nine Society, SB-5 146
Triple Nine Society, SB-IV 149
Triple Nine Society, Form LM (taken 1986 or earlier) 149
Triple Nine Society, Form L or M 151

Triple Nine requires a minimum age of 16 at the test date. The Mensa figures are a 98th-percentile requirement expressed on each scale, as our guides to Mensa score requirements, why the requirement is a percentile and high-IQ societies explain.

Limits worth knowing

  • Dated norms. The SB5 was normed to match the 2000 US Census, so in 2026 its norms are about 26 years old. A meta-analysis of 285 studies found the Flynn effect at about 2.9 IQ points per decade for modern Stanford-Binet and Wechsler tests (95% CI 2.3 to 3.5; Trahan and colleagues, 2014). If that drift held unchanged, a score on 2000 norms could read several points high by now, up to roughly 8 by our arithmetic. The drift has slowed in some wealthy countries (see why IQ norms expire), so treat that as an upper bound.
  • A successor is coming. PRO-ED’s norming page lists an SB-6 for ages 3 to 90, so this edition is unlikely to be the last.
  • Time and access. About 50 minutes one to one with a trained examiner; a report from a qualified professional is the only source of an SB5 score.
  • Scores are ranges. A result is best read with its margin of error and, for children, alongside the story in IQ testing for children.

Can you take the Stanford-Binet IQ test online?

No. The publisher sells the SB5 as an individually administered kit for trained examiners, and the one-to-one format, with an examiner who routes the examinee and records spoken responses, cannot be reproduced by a website. Pages that offer an “online Stanford-Binet” are not the publisher’s test, and their numbers are not SB5 scores. For a self-serve estimate use one of our IQ tests, which are screeners on the same standard-deviation-15 scale, not the SB5, and read what to check before trusting an online score.

Quick answers

  • What does the Stanford-Binet measure? Five factors: fluid reasoning, knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing and working memory, each verbally and nonverbally.
  • What age range does the Stanford-Binet cover? Ages 2 to 85 and over.
  • What is a good Stanford-Binet score? 90 to 109 is the average band; 130 on the SB5 is the American Mensa requirement (132 on the older forms).
  • Is the Stanford-Binet the same as the Wechsler? No. Both use a mean of 100 and, for the SB5, a standard deviation of 15, but the batteries, subtests and norms differ.
  • Who invented the Stanford-Binet? Alfred Binet and Théodore Simon built the 1905 scale; Lewis Terman at Stanford published the American revision in 1916.
  • Is the Stanford-Binet still used? Yes. The fifth edition, published in 2003, is in current use, and a sixth edition is listed in norming.

The bottom line

The Stanford-Binet is the oldest name in intelligence testing and the SB5 remains a distinctive instrument: one battery from age 2, five factors each tested verbally and nonverbally, a Nonverbal IQ that stands on its own and an extended scale that reaches 225. Read its numbers with the scale in mind (15 on the SB5, 16 on older forms), remember that its norms date from 2000, and treat any single result as a range interpreted by a qualified examiner.

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Is Intelligence Inherited From Mother or Father?

Research & Evidence

Is Intelligence Inherited From Mother or Father? What the Evidence Shows

Is intelligence inherited from mother or father? From both. A review of 111 family studies found mothers and fathers resemble their children in IQ equally (.41 each). See where the X-chromosome claim came from, why it fails, and how much IQ parents pass on.

Two rows of 23 boxes show that each parent hands on the same 22 numbered chromosomes plus one sex chromosome. The X chromosome is about 5% of the genome and holds about 15% of known intellectual disability genes, yet mothers and fathers resemble their children in IQ equally.

Is intelligence inherited from mother or father? From both. A review of 111 family studies found that mothers’ IQ scores resembled their children’s about as closely as fathers’ did (a correlation of .41 for each), and that sons resembled their fathers as much as their mothers. The claim that intelligence comes mainly from the mother traces to a 1972 X-chromosome hypothesis, a mouse experiment and a misread breastfeeding study, and none of them shows that a normal IQ comes from one parent. This guide covers where the idea started, what the X chromosome really does, what family and DNA studies find, and how much of a child’s IQ you can predict from the parents’ scores.

  • Family data: children reared with their parents resemble mothers and fathers equally, .41 each, across 111 studies (Bouchard and McGue, 1981).
  • The X chromosome: about 5% of the genome but about 15% of the genes known to be associated with intellectual disability, which is where the myth gets its foothold.
  • DNA studies: two large analyses found 205 and 148 genome-wide loci for intelligence, many small effects; the X chromosome is often left out of such scans.
  • Real parent-of-origin effects exist (Prader-Willi and Angelman syndromes) but concern specific disorders, not everyday differences in IQ.
Two rows of 23 boxes show that each parent hands on the same 22 numbered chromosomes plus one sex chromosome. The X chromosome is about 5% of the genome and holds about 15% of known intellectual disability genes, yet mothers and fathers resemble their children in IQ equally.
Two rows of 23 boxes show that each parent hands on the same 22 numbered chromosomes plus one sex chromosome. The X chromosome is about 5% of the genome and holds about 15% of known intellectual disability genes, yet mothers and fathers resemble their children in IQ equally.

Where the claim that intelligence comes from the mother started

The idea has three separate roots, and most retellings blend them together.

  • An X-linkage hypothesis (1972). Lehrke’s paper “A theory of X-linkage of major intellectual traits”, in the American Journal of Mental Deficiency, argued that genes on the X chromosome shape intelligence. A son receives his only X from his mother, so an X-linked trait looks maternal in sons.
  • A mouse experiment (1996). Keverne and colleagues built chimeric embryos from cells carrying either a duplicated maternal genome or a duplicated paternal genome. The maternal-genome cells contributed to the cortex, striatum and hippocampus; the paternal-genome cells contributed to the hypothalamus and not the cortex. It is animal work on brain structure, and it measured no intelligence.
  • A breastfeeding study (2006), misread in 2016. In September 2016 a viral post claimed that a Glasgow study showed children’s IQs track their mothers’ within 15 points. Snopes rated the claim “Unproven”. KQED reported that Geoff Der, a co-author of the Glasgow group’s paper on breastfeeding and intelligence, said the 15-point figure could not have come from that study, which had no data on fathers’ intelligence.

The Glasgow paper (Der, Batty and Deary, BMJ, 2006) used 5,475 children of 3,161 mothers in a US national survey and asked something different: does breastfeeding raise a child’s IQ? It concluded that breastfeeding has little or no effect on intelligence once the mother’s IQ is accounted for. That is a finding about a confounder, not about mothers being the source of intelligence.

What the X chromosome really does

The X-linkage idea is not invented from nothing. The X chromosome makes up only about 5% of the human genome, yet it accounts for about 15% of the genes currently known to be associated with intellectual disability; the number of X-linked intellectual disability genes rose from 72 to 141 in the ten years to 2017 (Neri and colleagues, 2018). X-linked causes account for roughly 5 to 10% of intellectual disability in males (Lubs and colleagues, 2012). Males have a single X, so a harmful variant on it has no second copy to cover for it; Zechner and colleagues (2001) report that the incidence of mental disability is about 30% higher in males than in females. From their count of disability genes by chromosome they proposed that X-linked genes exert a large effect on general intelligence.

Two things stop that from becoming “intelligence comes from your mother”. First, a gene that causes disability when it is broken is not the same as a gene that explains differences in the normal range; those involve very many small effects, covered below. Second, X-linkage makes a testable prediction. A father passes his only X to every daughter and none to his sons, and daughters also receive an X from their mother. If normal differences in intelligence lived on the X, fathers and daughters should resemble each other more than fathers and sons do. Family data can check that.

What family studies show: mothers and fathers resemble their children equally

The largest review of IQ resemblance between relatives pooled 111 studies (Bouchard and McGue, 1981). For children reared with their parents, the weighted mean correlation between a mother’s IQ and her child’s was .41 (25 correlations, 5,660 pairs). For fathers it was also .41 (22 correlations, 5,497 pairs). The reviewers noted that same-sex and opposite-sex pairings gave equivalent averages and that the average mother-offspring correlation matched the father-offspring one.

Parent-child IQ correlations, children reared with their parents (Bouchard and McGue, 1981)
Pairing Correlations (pairs) Median r Weighted mean r
Mother and daughter 10 (1,804) .44 .43
Mother and son 12 (2,802) .37 .39
Father and daughter 10 (1,658) .46 .39
Father and son 14 (2,843) .40 .38
All mother-child pairs 25 (5,660) .38 .41
All father-child pairs 22 (5,497) .43 .41

If intelligence sat on the X, the father-son correlation would be the lowest by a wide margin, because sons get no X from their father. It is .38, against .39 for mother and son. The reviewers concluded that the absence of any demonstrable sex effect fits a polygenic account of inheritance, with no sex linkage. One caution: these children grew up with their parents, so the figures mix the genes parents pass on with the home they provide. Twin studies, which separate the two better, are covered in our news piece on twin studies and IQ heritability and our guide Is IQ genetic?.

What DNA studies show: hundreds of small effects

Genome-wide association studies scan the DNA of very large groups for variants linked to test scores. A 2018 analysis of 269,867 people found 205 genomic loci and 1,016 genes associated with intelligence (Savage and colleagues). Another, of 300,486 people, found 148 independent loci and 709 genes, and polygenic scores built from it predicted up to 4.3% of the variance in general cognitive function in independent samples (Davies and colleagues, 2018). The picture is many small effects spread across the genome, not a handful of genes on one chromosome. Our news piece on embryo screening for low IQ shows how limited such scores are for predicting one person.

The X chromosome is the caveat. It is commonly left out of these scans: a review of GWAS papers published in 2010 and 2011 found that only 33% (242 of 743) reported including it (Wise and colleagues, 2013). So what the scans can say about the X is limited. Studies that do analyse it point to a modest share: across 48 traits in 343,695 UK Biobank participants the X chromosome contributed about 3% of the autosomal heritability (Fu and colleagues, 2025), and across 20 traits its SNP-based heritability averaged 0.63% in men and 0.30% in women (Sidorenko and colleagues, 2019). Those are averages over many traits, not intelligence-specific estimates, so read them as a sense of scale: a real but small role, and nothing that makes intelligence maternal.

Genetic nurture: what parents pass on without passing on DNA

Parents shape a child through the DNA they transmit and through the environment their own genes help create. A study of 21,637 people with at least one genotyped parent found that alleles the parents did not transmit still affected the child’s educational attainment, with an effect 29.9% as large as that of the transmitted alleles (Kong and colleagues, 2018). The authors call it genetic nurture. Paternal and maternal polygenic scores had similar effects on educational attainment, while mothers contributed more than fathers to nutrition- and health-related traits.

That last point is where the mother genuinely stands out, and it is environmental, not a gene for intelligence. She carries the pregnancy: our guides to prenatal smoking and IQ, breastfeeding and IQ and premature birth and IQ cover what that does and does not change. The breastfeeding example is instructive: before adjustment it was associated with about 4 points of mental ability, and after adjusting for the mother’s IQ and other confounders the effect fell to 0.52 points and was not statistically significant (Der and colleagues, 2006). Maternal IQ, not breastfeeding, carried most of the association. See also socioeconomic status and IQ.

Your own number

Where would your own score land?

Take the IIF-certified assessment and get your score with the scale it was measured on, the percentile it corresponds to and the confidence range around it — the three figures most online tests leave out.

Find your IQ score now! →

Secure & encryptedInstant results10–20 minutes

Real parent-of-origin effects: genomic imprinting

A few genes really are switched on from only one parent’s copy, a process called genomic imprinting, and losing that copy has large effects. In Prader-Willi syndrome, most cases (about 70%) arise when a segment of the paternal chromosome 15 is deleted. In Angelman syndrome the maternal copy of the UBE3A gene is lost, leaving no active copy in most parts of the brain (MedlinePlus). Both are specific syndromes, not the ordinary variation that IQ tests measure.

The one human finding that connects imprinting to the X chromosome points the other way. In Turner syndrome a girl has a single X. A 1997 study of 80 females (55 with a maternally derived X, 25 with a paternal one) found the paternal-X group better adjusted, with superior verbal and higher-order executive-function skills, although intelligence is usually normal in Turner syndrome; the proposed locus, for social cognition, was not expressed from the maternal X (Skuse and colleagues, 1997). If anything, that favours the father’s X, and it concerns a social-cognitive trait, not IQ.

How much of a child’s IQ can you predict from the parents’?

Regression to the mean does most of the work. In the same 111-study review, a single parent’s IQ correlated .42 with a child’s and the average of both parents correlated .50; spouses correlated about .33 in that review and about .40 in a later summary (Plomin and Deary, 2015). Combining those numbers in a simple straight-line, bell-curve model gives the expectations below. The table is our arithmetic, not a study result: expected child IQ = 100 + slope × (parents’ IQ − 100), with a slope of .42 for one parent and about .61 for the average of two (the .50 correlation divided by the narrower spread of two-person averages), and a spread of 13 to 14 points around the expectation.

Expected child IQ from parental IQ (our arithmetic from the correlations above)
Parents’ IQ Expected child IQ Range for about two children in three
One parent at 130 113 99 to 126
Both parents at 130 118 105 to 131
Both parents at 115 109 96 to 122
Both parents at 100 100 87 to 113
Both parents at 85 91 78 to 104
Both parents at 70 82 69 to 95

The last column is the point. Even two parents at 130 have children who range from about 105 to about 131, and children of the same parents differ. It also explains why very high or very low scores in one generation are followed by scores nearer 100 in the next: see regression to the mean for the mechanics and assortative mating and IQ for why couples tend to match. Family studies of this kind rely on individually administered tests such as the Stanford-Binet and the Wechsler scales; our guide to the WPPSI-IV covers the preschool version.

Quick answers

  • Is intelligence inherited from the mother or the father? From both. Family studies find equal mother-child and father-child resemblance (.41 each), and most of the DNA involved sits on chromosomes both parents pass on.
  • Do sons inherit intelligence from their mothers? Not more than from their fathers: in the 111-study review the weighted mother-son and father-son correlations were .39 and .38.
  • Do children inherit intelligence from the mother only? No. Snopes rated the claim Unproven, and the X-linkage and mouse-imprinting arguments do not extend to normal IQ.
  • How much of IQ is inherited? Heritability estimates rise from about 20% in infancy to perhaps 80% in later adulthood (Plomin and Deary, 2015). It describes differences across a population, not the share of one person’s IQ that is genetic.
  • Can two bright parents guarantee a bright child? No. Expect a child somewhat closer to average, with a wide range around that expectation.
  • Does the mother matter more? Through pregnancy and the early environment she can, but not through a special intelligence gene.

The bottom line

Intelligence is inherited from both parents. The mother-only story rests on an X-chromosome hypothesis that family data do not support, a mouse study of brain structure, and a breastfeeding paper that was misquoted. The X does carry many disability genes, imprinting does exist, and mothers do shape the prenatal and early environment, but none of that makes a typical IQ maternal. For a child, the practical reading is modest: parents’ scores predict a child’s only partly, and the result regresses toward the average.

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Tagged genetic nurture, genomic imprinting, heritability of intelligence, intelligence from mother or father, intelligence inherited from mother, intelligence research, iq genetics myths, IQ Science, is intelligence genetic, parent child iq correlation, polygenic scores, Regression to the Mean, twin and family studies, x chromosome intelligence, x-linked intellectual disability